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Russian intervocalic deletion in Derivational Optimality Theory

100%
Mołczanow J.
Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics
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2012
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vol. 48
285-314
EN
The article addresses issues connected with the deletion of the glide j in intervocalic contexts and the distribution of the sequences ji and ij in Russian. It has been assumed in generative phonology that the surface distinction between glides and vowels is not encoded in the lexicon, but, rather, is a result of syllabification rules, which ensure that the underlying high vowel is realised as a glide in syllable margins. At first glance, it appears that Russian glides eschew such an analysis, as both [ij] and [ji] sequences are found on the surface and it is unclear which underlying //i// should be turned into a glide. However, the present paper demonstrates that the distribution of high vowel i and the glide j is systematic and there is no need to prespecify j in the lexicon. The basic generalisation is that both the occurrence of the glide in onset or coda position and the deletion of the glide intervocalically are conditioned by the presence of an underlying fleeting vowel, the so-called yer.
2
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The Problem of the Russian Labial Fricatives: WhyVis Different

100%
Mołczanow J.
Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics
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2007
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vol. 43
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issue 1
49-74
EN
This paper offers a new account of the ambiguous sonorant/obstruent behaviour displayed by the labial continuant v in Russian. This classic case of phonological opacity has been the subject of much debate in the literature. Derivational analyses advanced so far have proved unsatisfactory. It is argued that a coherent explanation for this phenomenon is provided by Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993), where the indeterminate sonorant/obstruent behaviour of v is derived from the interplay of independent constraints. The analysis developed in this paper relies on the assumption that v is represented as the laryngeally unspecified sonorant /w/ in the underlying representation. On the surface, /w/ strengthens to the obstruent [v] but, unlike "regular" sonorants, does not receive the [+voice] specification by Sonorant Default. As a result, the output [v] lacks the laryngeal specification and so cannot affect the adjacent obstruent. The assumption that the output [v] remains unspecified for voice makes it possible to explain the fact that v can undergo but not trigger Voice Assimilation.
3
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Prosodically-conditioned Syllable Structure in English

51%
Orzechowska P., Mołczanow J., Jankowski M.
Research in Language
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2019
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vol. 17
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issue 2
167-178
EN
This paper investigates the interplay between the metrical structure and phonotactic complexity in English, a language with lexical stress and an elaborate inventory of consonant clusters. The analysis of a dictionary- and corpus-based list of polysyllabic words leads to two major observations. First, there is a tendency for onsetful syllables to attract stress, and for onsetless syllables to repel it. Second, the stressed syllable embraces a greater array of consonant clusters than unstressed syllables. Moreover, the farther form the main stress, the less likely the unstressed syllable is to contain a complex onset. This finding indicates that the ability of a position to license complex onsets is related to its distance from the prosodic head.
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