The author of this essay argues that, when viewed from a longer time perspective, four major processes have been taking place in the Polish countryside, changing its character, just as they have been doing in other Western and Eastern European countries: deruralization, deagrarianization, development of a new model of agriculture (peasantization/depeasantization) and restratification. These processes are changing 1) the place of the countryside in society, 2) the place of agriculture in society and the economy as well as 3) the structure of the countryside as a social subsystem. These changes have been taking place throughout the last two decades, albeit with different speeds in different segments of time. Three of these processes, deruralization, deagrarianization and restratification, are continuations of processes which were already in motion before 1989. Their dynamics do not differ from the Western and Central- Eastern European canon. A fourth,more original process can also be detected in the development of a new agrarian model, however, adjustment of the post-communist structure of agricultural production to market economy.
Tradycyjnie definicje wsi zawsze wskazują, że podstawę utrzymania jej mieszkańców stanowi rolnictwo. Poniższa analiza wykazuje, że przy przyjęciu tylko tego kryterium, wieś w Polsce nie istnieje, gdyż rolnicy już nie są grupą dominującą w strukturze społeczno-zawodowej wsi, stanowiąc dziś około 1/4 pracujących. Artykuł, oparty na danych reprezentatywnych badań Polski Generalny Sondaż Społeczny oraz Diagnoza Społeczna analizuje zmiany, jakie dokonały się w strukturze społeczno-zawodowej wsi w latach 1990–2013. Zmiany te miały różną dynamikę w zależności od okresu oraz typu obszarów wiejskich, jednak powszechnie zachodziły procesy dezagraryzacji, burżuazyjnienia (gentryfikacji) i proletaryzacji wsi. W sumie składały się one na proces moyennisation (średnienia) społecznego wsi.
EN
Traditionally, the definition of a rural area has always indicated that the basic source of income of its inhabitants is agriculture. The present analysis shows that if such a criterion is adopted alone then there are no rural areas left in Poland, as farmers are no longer the dominant group in the social-occupational structures of the countryside, but only around a quarter of its working population. This article, based on representative data of the Polish General Social Survey and the Social Diagnosis, analyzes the changes that occurred in the social-occupational structures of rural areas in the years 1990–2013. These changes occurred with varying speed depending on the period and type of rural area. Nevertheless, the deagrarianization, gentrification, and proletarianization of rural areas happened everywhere. In sum, they have contributed to the social moyennisation (the averaging) of rural areas.
Basing on the study of two cases an analysis has been conducted of the procedures of local development within the framework of the program LEADER (4th axis of the Program for the Development of Rural Areas). Theatrical terminology has been used purposefully. The first part of the paper characterizes - basing on various types of existing sources such as local development strategies, the structural frames for development ventures, which constitute the scenery in which the action of local development is set. The second part of the paper characterizes the collective actors of development, that is local action groups formed in a purposeful way. Is it actually possible to shape social reality in accordance with some imposed framework or is this reality certain to burst and annihilate the carefully modeled framework? Are the structures formed in this way able to act, that is to manifest certain cohesion and integration necessary in collective efforts? In trying to answer these questions the author refers to the existing documents and her own investigations. The third part of the paper is devoted to the description of individual actors and their resources of human and social capital. It also characterizes the relations of individual actors with communities in which they live and for which they act and presents their views on public matters and political attitudes.
The social structure of the Polish countryside has deeply changed during the last thirty years because of three co-occurring processes: desagrarisation/depeasantisation, proletarisation, and bourgeoisement/gentrification. Representative studies dating from 1991, 2003, and 2013 show changes in fundamental elements of the social position of rural population, namely sources of income, education level, and professional structure. At present, the dominating segment of the social structure of the countryside is workers (45.6%), whereas ratios of farmers and of the so-called new middle class are the same (27.2% each). The spatial diversification of this structure is, however, strong, as exemplified by differences between historical regions (territories formerly belonging to Prussia, Austria, and Russia), multi-functional urbanised vs. mainly rural areas, and administrative units (voivodeships). The most important differences in social structure and the dynamics of its change are between multi-functional urbanised and mainly rural areas.
PL
W ostatnim trzydziestoleciu struktura społeczna polskiej wsi gruntownie się zmieniła. Sprawiły to trzy, nakładające się, procesy: dezagraryzacja/depezantyzacja, proletaryzacja oraz burżuazyjnienie/gentryfikacja. Autorka, na podstawie danych z reprezentatywnych badań prowadzonych w latach 1991, 2003 oraz 2013, ukazuje zmiany w zakresie podstawowych elementów położenia społecznego ludności wiejskiej: źródeł dochodów, poziomu wykształcenia oraz struktury zawodowej. Dominującym segmentem w strukturze społecznej wsi są obecnie robotnicy (45,6%), natomiast udział rolników i tzw. nowej klasy średniej równoważy się i wynosi po 27,2%. Istnieje jednak duże przestrzenne zróżnicowanie tej struktury, co ukazane zostało na przykładzie regionów historycznych (byłe zabory), obszarów wielofunkcyjnych zurbanizowanych i głównie rolniczych oraz regionów polityczno-administracyjnych (województwa). Największe różnice w strukturze społecznej i dynamice zmian istnieją między obszarami wielofunkcyjnymi zurbanizowanymi a obszarami głównie rolniczymi.
The author provides an analysis of family farming in Poland during the period 1990-2012, with special attention towards the close links of ownership and the operation of the farm by family members. The weight of various factors is given close attention, including the historical context of the farm, current conditions, and future intentions for the farm. The historical context acknowledges and stresses the importance of the late abolition of serfdom made by the partitioning powers, various agricultural reforms during the period 1919-1944, and the period 1948-1989 (when family farming was incorporated into a deficient centrally planned economy). This latter period saw family farms developing specific mechanisms of functioning, which can be seen two decades later. Analysis of the period 1990-2012 is based on data of the Central Statistical Office, the present study, and other published materials. The data series includes individual farms of more than 1 ha, based on family labour. Separated are two sub-periods: the post-communist transformation period from the early 1990s, and the period 2002-2012. The latter almost coincides with the accession to the EU. In the first period, the article outlines the process of creating duality in Polish agriculture. This describes a group of family farms where the household strongly reacted to the market and became larger and modernised (professional – 1/3 of the total) and small, extensive and producing mainly for own consumption (semi-subsistence – 2/3). In the second period, the functioning and transformation of households taking place under the CAP are examined. Modernisation is primarily seen on the professional farm. Specific mechanisms can be seen that provide fairly stable functioning of semisubsistence farms, independent of the market, with non-farm incomes and agricultural social security. These farms resisted collectivisation and stopped and hindered modernisation during the communist period, and this post-communist transformation now requires a doubly controlled modernisation process.
Badania struktury społecznej wsi mają w Polsce ponad stuletnią tradycję. Badana obecnie według kanonów socjologii ogólnej ukazuje całą gamę profesji ludzi mieszkających na wsi. Ponad połowę z nich zaliczyć można do zawodów robotniczych, po około jednej czwartej stanowią rolnicy i przedstawiciele nowej klasy średniej. Te proporcje są jednak odmienne w różnych regionach kraju i wpływają na charakter środowiska społecznego, w jakim funkcjonuje jednostka, co zwane jest efektem kontekstowym. Chcąc w badaniach uchwycić jego wpływ, trzeba te odmienne środowiska (konteksty) społeczne zdefiniować i zlokalizować. Artykuł, odwołując się do koncepcji les espaces sociaux localisés Gilles’a Laferté, testuje możliwości takiej operacji, wyróżniając cztery typy struktury społecznej wsi (rolniczy, robotniczy, inteligencko-robotniczy i mieszany), dokonuje ich charakterystyki i przestrzennej lokalizacji oraz – na podstawie przeprowadzonych badań empirycznych – wskazuje wpływ kontekstu społecznego na zachowania i samooceny.
EN
Research on social structure of rural areas in Poland have been carried for over one hundred years. Nowadays it is carried according to the methods of general sociology and shows the full diversity of professions of people living in the countryside. More than the half of them are workers, whereas farmers and representatives of a new middle class account each for about a quarter. These ratios are, however, not the same in different regions and have their influence on the character of the social milieu of individuals, the so-called context effect. If the influence of the latter is to be observed, various milieus (contexts) have to be defined and localised. Testing the possibility of such an operation using the idea of les espaces sociaux localisés by Gilles Laferté is the subject of the paper. Four types of rural social structure are distinguished: agricultural, workers’, intelligentsia-workers, and mixed; they are characterised and localised spatially. Conducted empirical research is the basis of showing the influence of the social context on behaviour and self-appraisal.
Kapitał społeczny, mimo iż jest pojęciem wieloznacznym i rozmaicie definiowanym, uznawany jest za jeden z ważnych zasobów rozwojowych społeczności. Autorka przyjmuje, że kapitał społeczny to pewna właściwość, zasób i cecha społeczności, która może sprzyjać efektywnym działaniom indywidualnych i zbiorowych aktorów społecznych. W oparciu o wyniki najnowszych badań socjologicznych (CBOS, Diagnoza społeczna) stara się postawić aktualną diagnozę stanu kapitału społecznego polskiej wsi. Rekonstruując jego stan posługuje się takimi wskaźnikami jak: uczestnictwo organizacyjne, zaufanie i solidarność, współdziałanie, informacja i komunikacja, integracja i inkluzja społeczna oraz poczucie podmiotowości. Dochodzi do wniosku, że zasoby kapitału społecznego polskiej wsi są niskie, nie ma jednoznacznych tendencji, wskazujących na jego wzrost, natomiast istnieją przesłanki, pozwalające wątpić w jego szybkie pomnożenie.
EN
Social capital, even being an ambiguous phenomenon with number of different definitions, is considered as one of the important factors of local community's development. The authoress believes that social capital is a kind of feature or resource of a local community that may contribute to the effective activity of both individual and collective social actors. Relying on the recent sociological research (Public Opinion Research Center, Social Diagnosis) the authoress attempts to assess the capacity of Polish rural areas in terms of social capital. In order to describe the condition of social capital, the indicators referring to trust, solidarity, membership in nongovernmental organizations, information, communication, social integration, and subjectivity are used. The data reveals that the level of social capital in rural areas of Poland is low and no increase can be clearly observed. Instead there are reasons to doubt in the fast development of rural social capital in the near future.
Social capital, even being an ambiguous phenomenon with number of different definitions, is considered as a one of the important factors of local community’s development. The author believes that social capital is a kind of feature or resource of a local community that may contribute to the effective activity of both individual and collective social actors. Relying on the recent sociological research (Public Opinion Research Center, Social Diagnosis) the author attempts to assess the capacity of Polish rural areas in terms of social capital. In order to describe the condition of social capital, the indicators referring to trust, solidarity, membership in non-governmental organizations, information, communication, social integration, and subjectivity are used. The data reveals that the level of social capital in rural areas of Poland is low and no increase can be clearly observed. Instead there are reasons to doubt in the fast development of rural social capital in the near future.
This article is about the decollectivisation of agriculture which took place in Hungary, Czechia, Slovakia and Poland in the first half of the nineteen-nineties as well as about changes in the agrarian structure which were to be observed during the next decade. We argue that significant structural transformations have affected the agricultural domain and altered the way it is used for production. As a result of the transfer of property rights, agricultural land and part of the forests have changed hands. The process of decentralisation of the methods of farming the land which has affected the area of agricultural production is occurring with varying intensity depending on the country and the region. Re-established as the result of decollectivisation, private ownership of the land has been dispersed among a large number of landowners, sometimes without any direct link with agriculture and the rural milieu. More than a decade after the privatisation of the land, the land market is slow to re-establish itself and to play its role fully. Furthermore, farming structures have not become more stable. In a certain number of cases, capital restructuring is taking place within enterprises that have taken over from the former collective farms. Weakened by the impact of greater competition, the less efficient farms have been gradually eliminated. The decrease in the size of the workforce needed for agricultural land continues. The restructuring of the agricultural sector remains incomplete. Far from being fixed, the picture we have painted should be regarded as a snapshot rather than as the culmination of the transformation that has been launched.
This article is a part of an interdisciplinary research project entitled „Pandemic traces – Rural communities and institutions”, which was conducted by the Institute of Rural and Agricultural Development, Polish Academy of Sciences. The research touched many aspects of local and social experiences and consequences of the coronavirus epidemic. The outcome is a result of a study in one of the Greater Poland communes, which, in addition to direct participant observation and document analysis, mostly used quantitative studies performed in April 2021 on a representative group of adult residents of the commune.The local dimension of the epidemic was measured within 3 research areas. The first one dealt with personal experience, especially the impact of the pandemic on private and professional life. The sec-ond one focused on the evaluation of the institutions and authorities during the pandemic. The last area analyzed how the local community judged the restrictions the state government imposed.During the quantitative analysis a special attention was paid to capture the differences between the respondents as regards their social and professional status, as well as demographics and the residency (a town or a countryside).The research showed some regularities. First of all, the percentage of respondents who were afraid of COVID-19 infection and for whom the epidemic had an impact on everyday life (approx. 53%) was similar. These groups share a common socio-demographic profile. They were dominated by women, seniors, people with higher education and representatives of the liberal professions. Another char-acteristic indication of the respondents was the critical attitude towards the local health service, es-pecially family doctors. Such responses were indicated in particular by rural residents, who probably have had worse access to basic health care. Development, Polish Academy of Sciences. The research touched many aspects of local and social experiences and consequences of the coronavirus epidemic. The outcome is a result of a study in one of the Greater Poland communes, which, in addition to direct participant observation and document analysis, mostly used quantitative studies performed in April 2021 on a representative group of adult residents of the commune. The local dimension of the epidemic was measured within 3 research areas. The first one dealt with personal experience, especially the impact of the pandemic on private and professional life. The second one focused on the evaluation of the institutions and authorities during the pandemic. The last area analyzed how the local community judged the restrictions the state government imposed. During the quantitative analysis a special attention was paid to capture the differences between the respondents as regards their social and professional status, as well as demographics and the residency (a town or a countryside). The research showed some regularities. First of all, the percentage of respondents who were afraid of COVID-19 infection and for whom the epidemic had an impact on everyday life (approx. 53%) was similar. These groups share a common socio-demographic profile. They were dominated by women, seniors, people with higher education and representatives of the liberal professions. Another characteristic indication of the respondents was the critical attitude towards the local health service, especially family doctors. Such responses were indicated in particular by rural residents, who probably have had worse access to basic health care.
PL
Artykuł jest częścią interdyscyplinarnego projektu badawczego „Wiejskie okruchy pandemii – społeczności i ich instytucje” realizowanego w Instytucie Rozwoju Wsi i Rolnictwa Polskiej Akademii Nauk. Celem badań jest analiza zachowań i działań władzy i społeczności lokalnej wobec pandemii COVID-19. Prezentowane w niniejszym tekście wyniki to efekt badań w jednej z wielkopolskich gmin, wykorzystujących obserwację bezpośrednią uczestniczącą, analizę dokumentów, ale przede wszystkim badań ilościowych prowadzonych w kwietniu 2021 r. na reprezentatywnej grupie dorosłych mieszkańców tejże gminy.
W latach 1990–2015 z trzech obserwowanych w wiejskiej Polsce procesów – depezantyzacji, proletaryzacji i gentryfikacji – ten ostatni, tworzący wiejską klasę średnią, miał największą dynamikę. Między 1990 i 2015 rokiem udział wiejskiej klasy średniej w strukturze społecznej wsi wzrósł z 13% do 28%, co było skutkiem procesów endogennych i egzogennych wobec wsi. W niniejszej analizie „nowa” wiejska klasa średnia została zdefiniowana przez wykonywane zawody, należące do czterech pierwszych wielkich grup Klasyfikacji Zawodów i Specjalności (ISCO-08). Tak wyróżniona, jest ona bardzo zróżnicowana, co prowadzi do hipotezy o istnieniu nie jednej, a kilku wiejskich klas średnich. Przedmiotem opracowania jest ukazanie cech różnicujących wiejską klasę średnią i wskazanie – na podstawie współwystępujących cech – jej typów. Analiza oparta jest przede wszystkim na bazie danych badania „Diagnoza społeczna 2015”.
Przedmiotem opracowania jest proces „burżuazyjnienia” rolników w Polsce. Oznacza on przechodzenie rolników do klasy średniej; do niej zalicza się osoby wykonujące zawody umysłowe, wymagające wysokich kompetencji cenionych na rynku pracy, przynoszących dochody na odpowiednim poziomie. Istnienie takiego procesu sygnalizują analizy struktury społecznej wsi, zwłaszcza wiejskiej klasy średniej. Wskazują one, raczej koncepcyjnie niż operacyjnie, możliwość włączenia części rolników do klasy średniej, przede wszystkim za sprawą ich kapitału ekonomicznego. Celem opracowania jest operacjonalizacja kryterium ekonomicznego i kulturowego, służących wyłonieniu „średnioklasowych” rolników oraz rozpoznanie cech tej zbiorowości. Rolnicy należący do niej posiadają relatywnie duże (ok. 100 ha) gospodarstwa i mają wykształcenie co najmniej średnie. Są „rolnikami z krwi i kości” budującymi swoje kapitałowe zaplecze, o czym świadczą ich strategie produkcyjne i inwestycyjne oraz umiarkowane apetyty konsumpcyjne. Analiza oparta jest na danych ostatniej edycji badania „Diagnoza społeczna”, danych badania IRWiR PAN z 2020 roku oraz danych Powszechnego Spisu Rolnego z 2020 roku.
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