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EN
The paper discusses the position of women in Romani society. The author presents the var- ious roles a romni (Romani for woman) plays. She refers to the rules of the moral and ethical code (romanipen) that significantly affects female behavior, determines the relationship be- tween females and males, and assigns women a lower position in society than men. The paper also discusses the ‘impurities’ that constitute a specific weapon Romani women can wield against men. The author observes the changes that are taking place in the world of modern romnis. They are increasingly more educated, professionally active and make independent decisions con- cerning their own future. It should be borne in mind, however, that they continue to live in a closed community that guards its traditions, language and privacy. To change the life of Romani women would mean their leaving this community and abandoning the fundamental principles of Romani life, which is difficult. Romani women do not struggle for these princi- ples to be abandoned completely, thus giving them equal rights. They continue to guard their traditions and hearth and home.
EN
This paper is devoted to the presidential pre-elections in Poland. It is the second part of a study concerning the parliamentary pre-elections held in Poland. The timeframe of this pa- per covers the period between 1995 and 2005. The paper begins with an overall analysis of pre-elections organized by political parties in Poland, following American patterns, where a candidate for the presidency is to represent a certain group. Next, the pre-elections held in the town of Wrzeœnia in 1995 and 2005, in Nysa in 2000 and Szczecin in 2005 are explored. An assessment of the accuracy of these pre-elections’ results is carried out. The paper also discusses other initiatives similar to pre-elections, addressed at young peo- ple in high schools and universities.
EN
The paper tries to sum up the celebrations to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the Third Republic in 1989 and to present them in the context of the ‘remembrance policy’,meaning the endeavors various circles are engaged in to shape Polish society’s collective memory. The authors analyze the celebrations in terms of several selected aspects. The first one concerns the academic field: conferences, seminars and resulting publications. Another aspect refers to the official celebrations organized by state institutions. The third is about the response and debates taking place in newspapers at that time. The review of different ways of commemorating the anniversary results in the conclusion that they were all strongly politicized and used for the purposes of the current political struggle. This was particularly clear during the official celebrations, divided into those organized by the government and president respectively, yet even the events organized under academic auspices were not free from political manipulation. Therefore, the celebrations corroborated the fact that 1989 has not strongly registered in Poles’ awareness as a generational experience that positively organizes the collective memory; the celebrations did not stimulate a nationwide reflection on the achieve- ments of the era commenced with the events of 1989. They did not make a contribution to creating in the collective memory a ‘national consensus of pride’ at the regained statehood reminiscent of that of the Second Republic.
PL
The paper tries to sum up the celebrations to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the Third Republic in 1989 and to present them in the context of the ‘remembrance policy’,meaning the endeavors various circles are engaged in to shape Polish society’s collective memory. The authors analyze the celebrations in terms of several selected aspects. The first one concerns the academic field: conferences, seminars and resulting publications. Another aspect refers to the official celebrations organized by state institutions. The third is about the response and debates taking place in newspapers at that time. The review of different ways of commemorating the anniversary results in the conclusion that they were all strongly politicized and used for the purposes of the current political struggle. This was particularly clear during the official celebrations, divided into those organized by the government and president respectively, yet even the events organized under academic auspices were not free from political manipulation. Therefore, the celebrations corroborated the fact that 1989 has not strongly registered in Poles’ awareness as a generational experience that positively organizes the collective memory; the celebrations did not stimulate a nationwide reflection on the achievements of the era commenced with the events of 1989. They did not make a contribution to creating in the collective memory a ‘national consensus of pride’ at the regained statehood reminiscent of that of the Second Republic.
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