Search results

1

Mieszkańcy Sieradza w XVII i XVIII wieku – studium demograficzne

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Anusik Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Zeszyty Wiejskie

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2016

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vol. 22

EN

In the days of the First Polish Republic Sieradz was the capital of the voivodeship and the county, the seat of the district and magistrate courts as well as the offices of the district authorities. In the sixteenth century it was the most significant city of the voivodeship of Sieradz. However, over the years its role has decreased considerably. In the first half of the seventeenth century Sieradz belonged to a group of medium-sized cities. In the early thirties of the seventeenth century about 2200–2300 people lived in Sieradz. But after the wars of the mid-seventeenth century the number of its inhabitants fell to 1100–1200 people. In the mid-seventies of the seventeenth century Sieradz was inhabited by about 550–800 people. In the middle of the next decade, the number of the residents of the city was only about 450. At the beginning of the eighteenth century town slowly began to overcome the demographic crisis and in 1703 its population was estimated at 900–925 people. During the Great Northern War Sieradz had been affected by all possible misfortunes of war. This led to a further decrease in the number of its inhabitants. In 1716 there were only 630 residents of the city. In the end of 1723 and the beginning of 1724 Sieradz was inhabited by only a little over 400 people. Only at the end of the existence of the First Polish Republic the number of its inhabitants has increased significantly. Censuses from the years 1789–1793 show that about 1250 people lived in Sieradz at this time. This means that compared to the turn of the years 1723 and 1724 its population had almost tripled.

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Studia i szkice z dziejów Polski i powszechnych od starożytności do końca XX wieku

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Anusik Z.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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2014

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vol. 93

3

Słowo wstępne

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Anusik Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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2010

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vol. 85

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Postać Jana III Sobieskiego w zabytkach ikonograficznych XVIII w.

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Anusik Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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1986

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vol. 26

FR

Le XVIIIéme siècle éveilla l'intérêt historique de la société polonaise. Cet intérêt comprit aussi l'époque et le personnage du roi Jean III Sobieski. Non seulement les historiens et les hommes de lettres s'intéressaient au roi, les représentants des arts plastiques, eux aussi, partageaient cet intérêt. Les premières sources iconographiques consacrées à Jean III apparurent au-delà des frontières de la République vers la fin du XVIIIème ot au commencement du XVIIIème siècles. Dans le pays, plusieurs portraits anonymes du souverain furent créés. Vers la tin de l’époque saxonne, on lui fonda un monument funéraire das la cathédrale de Wawel. Parmi les artistes peignant ou sculptant les effigies de Sobieski, il faut citer: Marcel Bacciarelli, Jerzy Szeymeder, K. Aleksandrowicz, Mateusz Tokarski, Jan Bogumił Plersch, Daniel Chodowiecki, Franciszek Smuglewicz, Jan Piotr Norblin, Johann Boehm, et beaucoup d'autres. Les plus nombreuses représentations plastiques de Jean III Sobieski virent le jour dans les années quatre-vingts du XVIIIème siècle. La renaissance de l’intérêt à la personne du roi coïncida avec le centenaire de la bataille de Vienne et la direction anti-turque do la politique de la République Polonaise lancée par Stanislas Auguste. On peut aussi remarquer que les tendances artistiques se produisaient en même temps que les tendances à présenter la supériorité de l'ancienne République se manifestant dans les sciences historiques. Le concours des facteurs cités fit que les ouvrages iconographiques consacrés Jean III apparaissaient aussi vers la lin de années quatre-vingt-dix, pendant les partages et la chute politique de la République indépendante.

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Wznowienie stosunków dyplomatycznych polsko-szwedzkich u progu obrad Sejmu Czteroletniego

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Anusik Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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1993

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vol. 49

EN

After 1772 Polish-Swedish relations were very neglected. The change in Swedish foreign policy in the eighties (Sweden looked for an ally against Russia) was a reason that Gustavus III turned his attention towards Polish affairs. After a short period of being informed about the events in Poland by K. H. Heyking, a nonleman from Curland who was staying in Warsaw, the Court of Stockholm sent to Poland its own emissary. In January of 1788 Lars von Engeström came to Polish Republic. He was a special legate of Gustavus III and his main task was to observe the political situation in this country. He was a devotee for Swedish-Prussian alliance. Engeström also saw Poland in this (never realized) political agreement. After the beginning of Russo-Swedish war (June-July 1788) Engeström became temporarily persona non grata at Polish Court, but at the same time he came into contact with the leaders of Stanislas Augustus opponents. In August of 1788 Lars von Engeström was appointed to a post of minister resident to Polish king. Next he aimed at sending the Polish envoy to Stockholm. However Stanislas Augustus objected to consolidate relations with the country which fought with Russia (the king was concerned that sending such a mission in such circumstances would be treated as an act of open hostility in St. Petersburg). In spile of this on the tourn of November and December 1788 first demands of sending Polish envoy to Stockholm appeared. The same problem was also discussed on many sessions of the Diet in December 1788, January, February and March 1789. At the beginning of March 1789 Stanislas Augustus was forced to promise a nomination of Polish envoy to Stockholm. But only on 21st of April 1789 the „patriotic” majority of the Diet achieved the nomination for the Stockholm post for the starosta of Tłumacz - Jerzy Michał (George Michael) Potocki, a brother of one of the leaders of the Diet - Ignacy. On 23rd of June a new minister obtained his ministerial instructions from the Deputation of Foreign Affairs of the Diet, but for Stockholm. That was the first step to consolidate Polish-Swedish relations.

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Słowo wstępne

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Anusik Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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2003

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vol. 77

7

Kłopoty pana sekretarza. Przyczynek do dziejów polskiej służby zagranicznej w dobie Sejmu Czteroletniego

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Anusik Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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2001

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vol. 70

PL

Wydanie publikacji dofinansowane przez Komitet Badań Naukowych

EN

The article had been written about the activity of Józef Sierakowski, the Secretary of the Polish diplomatic mission in Stockholm 1789-1792. Disclosing the inner history of his nomination to the post of Secretary of the legation, the author at the same time discloses secret conditions, which manage to function of the Polish diplomatic service during The Great Diet. He points out Józef Sierakowski’s personal connections with Stanisław August’s environment and with the eminent members of The Foreign Affairs Deputation (Deputacja Interesów Zagranicznych). The most important part of the author’s narration is the case of long conflict between Sierakowski and the chief of the Polish diplomatic mission in Stockholm, the Starost of Tłumacz - Jerzy Potocki. When we analizę Jerzy Potocki’s correspondence, we could observe growing rows, aversion and acrimonious, which in short period of time changes into great hatred, which made it impossible for the Minister to communicate with Secretary of the legation. Except the conflict with Potocki, Sierakowski had also, in the same time, two more conflicts — with the management of the Swedish diplomatic service and with the majority of members of the Stockholm diplomatic corps. From the early days of June till the middle of December 1791, Józef Sierakowski had acted as chargé d'affaires ad interim, taking missing at this time in Sweden Jerzy Potocki’s place. To speak with conviction it was the most effective period of time in his all carieer an a diplomate. Sending to Warsaw plenty of interesting news, Sierakowski did not manage to avoid the Swedish discontent. He criticized Swedish king Gustavus I l l ’s strokes against the revolutionary France and he published permanent reports from Stockholm (critical in relation to Gustavus III) in the „Gazette de Leyde” . When Potocki had arrived to Stockholm in the middle of December 1791, conflicts between two diplomats rised. During the period of last six months, which Sierakowski had spent in Sweden, Jerzy Potocki persistently managed to dismiss the Secretary from his office. But it was not an easy affair, because Sierakowski was on very good terms with the king (he was a trusted correspondent of the chief of his Cabinet) and with the Minister of Foreign Affairs in the Guard of Laws (Straż Praw) - Joachim Chreptowicz. Disappointed Potocki had been ready to vacate a post of Minister in Stockholm and tried to get permission to leave to Haga. Only in May 1792 the management of the Polish diplomatic service had decided to recall the conflicted and troublesome Secretary from Sweden. 30 June 1792 Józef Sierakowski left Stockholm at last. But the reminiscences of his conflict with Potocki appeared once more in August 1792 (when Sierakowski had decisively left the Polish diplomatic service), when he had calculated his dues from the Treasure of the Republic. Only at that time was ended the conflict, which for nearly two years had ruined the unity of the legation and had influenced the activity of the Polish mission in Stockholm negatively.

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W cieniu rosyjskiego imperium. Zarys dziejów wenętrznych i polityki zagranicznej Szwecji w latach 1718-1751

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Anusik Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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2000

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vol. 69

9

O szwedzki alians. Karla z dziejów stosunków politycznych pomiędzy Sztokholmem a Warszawą w dobie Sejmu Czteroletniego

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Anusik Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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1996

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vol. 57

FR

Cet article se base sur les études de plusieurs années concernant les relations polono-suédoises à l’époque de Stanisław August Poniatowski. Il traite les questions sans doute les plus intéressants de la II-éme moitié du XV1I1 siecle, quand les changements politiques obligèrent aussi bien Stockholm que Varsovie à chercher un accord avec un voisin d’outre mer. L’intérêt croissant de la Suède par rapport à la République de Pologne s’exprima par la venue à Varsovie de Lars von Engestrom et ses démarches dans le but d’envoyer à Stockholm une délégation diplomatique de Jerzy Michał Potocki. Les difficultés rencontrées par le roi suédois Gustave III dans la guerre avec la Russie, firent recommencer les négociations en vue de signer un traité d’alliance avec la Pologne. Tout de même il faut souligner que les pourparlers polono-suédois dépendaient des négociations analogues menées par les deux états avec les représentants de l’alliance antirusse et antisuédoise de Londres, de la Haie et de Berlin. Les pourparlers polono-suédois entamés juste avant de mettre fin aux négociations polono-prussiennes duraient longtemps et dépendaient en grosse partie des changements au niveau international. La Convention prusso-autrichienne de Reichenbach (27 VII 1790) qui supprimaient tout espoir des militants de la Diète de 4 ans de rendre les relations avec la Prusse antiautrichienne, ouvrit le chemin à l’alliance avec la Suède laquelle restait en guerre avec la Russie. Malheureusement avant que les démarches polonaises n’aient pris les formes bien concrètes, Gustave III finit la guerre avec la Russie par la paix à Va-ra-Ia (le 14 VIII 1790). Vu cela, les négociations polono-suédoises firent arrêtées pour plusieurs mois. Les mauvaises nouvelles de Reichenbach et Varala restèrent sans doute à l’origine de l’attitude trop rigide des militants de la Diète de 4 ans s’il s’agait de leur politique étrangère. Déjà au début du mois de septembre 1790, ils décidèrent d’abandonner la politique visant contre la Russie (dont le cours fut décidé début août). Après les premières émotions causées par l'attitude suédoise (ceux-là renoncèrent à leur politique d’une large participation à la coalition antirusse) au début du mois de novembre 1790 à Varsovie reprirent les négociations polono-suédoises, pourtant suspendues après quelques conférences. La cour de Stockholm se désintéressait de plus en plus au traité ayant pour but d’acquérir la couronne polonaise pour Gustave III. Malgré le manque d’appui en Pologne pour sa candidature et malgré l’attitude négative du diplomate suédois à Varsovie, Lars von Engestrom, la conception en question était fort appuyée par le ministère suédois durant plusieurs mois. Pourtant tout en se concentrant sur la succession, Gustave III se fit décourager par le projet du traité avec la Pologne et rompit les pourparlers en mars 1791.

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Kilka uwag o finansowych aspektach funkcjonowania polskiej służby zagranicznej w latach 1776-1792

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Anusik Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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1999

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vol. 64

EN

The article concerns financial matters of Polish foreign service’s activity in times of king Stanisław August Poniatowski, including a period of the Rada Nieustająca (Permanent Council) 1776-1788, as well as, a period of the Sejm Czteroletni (Great Sejm) 1788-1792. Results of research confirmed a view that both rise and drop of expenses for diplomatic service were depended on a scale of foreign activity of Poland. According to the author, total expenses Гог foreign affairs can be estimated on 4262000 zł (1788-1792). It should be noticed, rise of those expenses exceeded total rise of budget expenses in Poland during the Sejm Czteroletni. In conclusion the ways of financial support for Polish diplomatic service are discussed, including an involvment of Polish diplomats in that activity as well as ideas of preparing new staff for Polish foreign service. All these issues seem to be open fields for future research exploration.

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Organizacja i funkcjonowanie polskiej służby zagranicznej w latach 1764-1792. (Próba nowego spojrzenia)

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Anusik Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki I. H.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica

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1996

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vol. 58

FR

Un rôle particulièrement important s’il s’agit de l’organisation du service moderne étranger fut joué par Stanislas Auguste Poniatowski. Selon son initiative l'on créa le Cabinet royal qui jouait avec un vrai succès un rôle du centre des services diplomatiques polonais jusqu’au premier partage. Pendant la diète de partage de 1773-1775 l’on forma le Conseil Permanent dont le Département des Affaires Étrangères assumait formellement les responsabilités (au moins une grosse partie) du Cabinet. Pratiquement c’était le roi qui gardait une voix décisive en ce qui concerne la politique étrangère. La victoire de l'opposition au début de la Diète de 4 ans contribua à la reprise de la gestion du département des affaires étrangères et au contrôle de la politique étrangère de l’état. Pendant la cadence de la Députation des Intérêts Étrangers (29 XII 1788 - 18 V 1791) l’on augmenta considérablement le nombre des représentations diplomatiques à l’étranger. L’on initia également les processus en vue de former peu à peu les cadres compétentes et les diplomates professionnels. L’écartement de Stanislas Poniatowski des affaires étrangères fut de courte durée. En mars 1790 après l’approbation de l’alliance prusse, le roi récupéra les possibilités réelles d’influencer la politique étrangère de l’état. Après la Constitution de 3 mai eurent lieu de gros changements dans l’organisation du service étranger en Pologne. En tête de la diplomatie on mit le ministre des afTaires étrangères dans le Garde des Droits (c’etait un homme jouissant de la confiance du roi - J. Chreptowicz). Du point de vou formel et réel, la gestion de la diplomatie polonaise et de la politique étrangère revint donc au roi Stanislas August. Les partisans du grouppement patriotique remirent dans les mains du roi la politique étrangère en comptant sur les entretients avec la cour russe par l’intermédiaire du roi. Le manque d’initiative royalle dans ce domaine mena pourtant à la consolidation de l’opposition conservatrice, à la confédération de Targowica et à l’invasion des troupes russes en Pologne. Les militants du grouppement patriotique, conscients des erreurs commises et déçus par l'altitude du roi peu de temps après déclinèrent sur lui toute la responsabilité pour la crise des réformes et l’échec de la politique étrangère.

12

Działalność polityczna Jerzego Michała Potockiego w latach 1776–1789. Kariera przedstawiciela opozycji w dobie współrządów królewsko-ambasadorskich

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Anusik Z., Łódzki U.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2010

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vol. 9

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issue 2

EN

Jerzy Michał Potocki (1753 – about 1801) is known mainly as an diplomat, envoy and minister of the Polish Republic in Stockholm (1789–1795). But it is to emphasize that even before he was a well known person on the Polish political scene. The descendent of an old senatorial family which members in majority were enemies of the new king of Poland, Stanisław August Poniatowski, from the early youth was connected to the anti-royalist opposition. Excellent colligations and owed fortune were the factors which facilitated the beginnings of his political career. He went the way typical for magnates connected to opposition who were born in the fifties of the 18th century. He participated in many Seymiks where he competed with king’s protagonists. From the end of the seventies he attended in the subsequent Diets where he adopted oppositional attitude towards policy of the king and the royalist party. Thanks to help of his wealthy and well connected cousin, Stanisław Szczęsny Potocki, he obtained a parliament seat on the Great Diet (1788–1792) where he was bounded up with the oppositional, anti-royalist party. Thanks to the winning of the opposition in the beginnings of the Great Diet and the support of his own family he obtained a post of Polish envoy in Stockholm. It was a reason which forced Jerzy Michał Potocki to leave the Great Diet long before the end of its term.

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Kasztelan krakowski Jerzy ks. Zbaraski (1574-1631). Szkic do portretu antyregalisty

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Anusik Z., Łódzki U.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2010

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vol. 9

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issue 1

EN

Jerzy prince Zbaraski was a descendent of the rich and powerful magnates family. He was born in 1574 as a son of Janusz prince Zbaraski (d. 1608) voivode of Bracław and Anna princess Czetwertyńska. Well educated, very good at foreign languages after long studies abroad, as a young man, together with his younger brother – prince Krzysztof (1579-1627), he became a king’s courtier. A conflict between him and Jesuits at the court was a cause of his disgrace. Passed over by the king in the distribution of state offices and crown estates, he became an oppositionist. Since then Zbaraski brothers fought internal and foreign policy of the king. After the death of their father, prince Jerzy and prince Krzysztof belonged to the exclusive group of the richest Crown magnates. Both of them played a great political role during the reign of Zygmunt III. As a castellan of Kraków (since 1620) prince Jerzy felt himself authorized to review and criticize almost every move of the king. Not until the Swedes invaded Prussia, prince castellan noticed the necessity of deep state reforms. After death of the younger brother, the only heir of the huge family landed estates was prince Jerzy. Because of his fortune the castellan of Kraków was the second Crown magnate of his times. During the last years of his life he played a first role on the political scene of the Republic. Prince Jerzy was very popular among Polish nobility. He was regarded as an ideal senator. He enjoyed widespread support. He was also admired and widely revered. Jerzy prince Zbaraski died in Kraków July 30th 1631 as a last male descendent of his family.

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Własność ziemska w województwie wołyńskim w 1570 roku

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Anusik Z., Katedra Historii Nowożytnej W. F.-H.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2011

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vol. 10

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issue 1

EN

There is a common and consolidated opinion among Polish historians that Volhynia was a mainstay of the political and economic influence of the great landowners. But in the literature of the subject we could not find any details concerning sizes of the estates and their mutual relations. However, at the end of the 19th century, it was published an invaluable source (the tax register of 1570) which could be a base to reconstruct a state of own of the landlords in Volhynia voivoedship in the times of Lublin Union (1569). After a detailed analysis of the mentioned source the Author is able to state that in 1570 there were 382 landowners in Volhynia voivodeship. Nine owners of the biggest estates (latifundium) paid taxes which total amount was 43,51% of all landowners’ payment. Twenty seven great landowners paid 22,80% of all taxes in voivodeship. It means that 36 of the richest landlords of Volhynia had estates in which lived 66,30% (almost 200 000 persons) of all inhabitants of the voivodeship. One hundred fifty one middle landlords paid taxes which amounted to 20,41% of all taxes. The biggest group of the landlords, 195 owners of small estates, paid only 3,02% of all taxes paid in the Volhynia voivodeship. The owners of Crown estates paid 4,66%, and clergy paid 5,61% of all taxes collected in the Volhynia voivodeship. Very interesting is also a statement that 7 of the most famous families of the princes (descendents of the old Gediminids and Rurikids dynastic families): Ostrogski, Czartoryski, Zasławski, Korecki, Wiśniowiecki, Sanguszko and Zbaraski paid 43,75% of all taxes in Volhynia and the area of their large estates was over 24 000 sq. km. It means that they were owners of 59,01% of the area of the voivodeship. After a detailed analysis of the source the Author is also able to state that in the first years after the Lublin Union Volynhia voivoedship was a well populated and rich region of the Polish Republic. This voivodeship could be a very convenient base to the expansion of local great landlords towards the near empty lands of Kiev and Bratslav voivodeships.

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Struktura własności ziemskiej w powiecie pilzneńskim w roku 1629

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Anusik Z., Katedra Historii Nowożytnej W. F.-H.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2011

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vol. 10

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issue 2

EN

Tax registers of the 16th and 17th century are very useful when doing research on the structure of land ownership in the Polish Republic. One of them is tax register of the county of Pilzno from 1629. It was published in 1977 but it has not been much used by historians so far. Studies conducted by the Author of the research allow to conclude that in terms of a division of land ownership in the county of Pilzno between the king, the church and the nobility (respectively 17,91%; 9,38% and 72,71% of all taxable farmland together with 17,09%; 11,80% and 71,11% of the total amount of tax paid), the results do not differ from calculations made for the whole voivodeship of Sandomierz where at the end of the 16th century Crown lands accounted for 11%, estates of the church amounted to nearly 16% and noble properties accounted for 73% of all real estates in the analyzed voivodeship. The registry here described also confirms common belief that in the first half of the 17th century land was concentrated in hands of large landowners. Eight of the richest landowners representing only 5,48% of all owners (there were 146 of them) gathered in their hands estates which accounted for 38,02% of all taxable farmland and for which the sum of the tax paid amounted to 38,44% of all fiscal charges of the county. Even more impressive are the analogous calculations for the noble property. The wealthiest landowners concentrated in their hands 52,29% taxed farmland and paid to the treasury 54,06% of the tax due to these estates. One should also draw attention to the fact that real estates in the county of Pilzno were owned by so powerful magnates as Ostrogski family and their heirs: Zasławski, Zamoyski and Lubomirski families. Among the wealthiest landowners of the county of Pilzno one can also find representatives of old senatorial families such as Stadnicki, Tarło and Firlej. However, most of them spent their time in properties situated outside the very county. We get even more spectacular results while taking into account real estates burdened with tax higher than 100 zlotys. It appears that 21 landowners representing 14,38% of the whole surveyed population possessed a total of over 50% of all land in the county and paid tax higher than 51% of all revenues to the treasury of the Polish Republic. However, if we take into account estates staying in hands of the nobility only (thus excluding the royal estates and church ones), the results are even more striking. Private landowners owned more than 70% of all taxable farmland and they paid almost 72% of the tax owed. The meaning of these numbers is unambiguous and may serve as a summary of our earlier presentation of the problem.

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Własność ziemska w powiecie sandomierskim w roku 1629

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Anusik Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki K. H. N.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2012

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vol. 11

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issue 2

EN

Tax registers of the 16th and 17th century are very useful when doing research on the structure of land ownership in the Polish Republic. One of them is tax register of the county of Sandomierz from 1629. It was published in 1989 but it has not been much used by historians so far. Studies conducted by the Author of the research allow to conclude that in terms of a division of land ownership in the county of Sandomierz between the king, the church and the nobility (respectively 16,98%; 31,58% and 51,44% of all taxable farmland together with 20,36%; 32,11% and 47,53% of the total amount of tax paid), the results differ quite much from calculations made for the whole voivodeship of Sandomierz where at the end of the 16th century Crown lands accounted for 11%, estates of the church amounted to nearly 16% and noble properties accounted for 73% of all real estates in the analyzed voivodeship. There is also an important difference when we compare results achieved for Sandomierz county and the neighbor county of Pilzno, where division of land ownership between the king, the church and the nobility looks as follows – 17,86%, 9,39% and 72,75% of all taxable farmland together with 17,09%, 11,80% and 71,11% of the total amount of tax paid. The described registry also confirms common belief that in the first half of the 17th century land was concentrated in hands of large landowners. Ten of the richest landowners representing only 4,04% of all owners (there were 248 of them) gathered in their hands estates which accounted for 20,75% of all taxable farmland and for which the sum of the tax paid amounted to 25,66% of all fiscal charges of the county. Even more impressive are the analogous calculations for the noble property. The wealthiest landowners concentrated in their hands 40,35% taxed farmland and paid to the treasury 53,98% of the tax due to these estates. One should also draw attention to the fact that real estates in the county of Sandomierz were owned by so powerful magnates as Zasławski, Lubomirski, Tęczyński, Leszczyński, Ligęza, Tarło and Ossoliński families. Among the wealthiest landowners of the county of Sandomierz one can also find representatives of old senatorial families such as Oleśnicki, Tarnowski, Sienieński and Firlej. However, most of them spent their time in properties situated outside the very county. We get even more spectacular results while taking into account real estates burdened with tax higher than 100 zlotys. It appears that 20 landowners representing 8,06% of the whole surveyed population possessed a total of over 28% of all land in the county and paid tax which constituted almost 32% of all revenues to the treasury of the Polish Republic. However, if we take into account estates staying in hands of the nobility only (thus excluding the royal estates and church ones), the results are even more striking. The most powerful landowners owned more than 55% of all taxable noble farmland and they paid almost 67% of the tax owed by the nobility in the county. The meaning of these numbers is unambiguous and may serve as a summary of our earlier presentation of the problem.

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Krystyna Szelągowska, My Norwegowie. Tożsamość narodowa norweskich elit w czasach nowożytnych, Avalon Publishing House, Kraków 2011, ss. 399

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Anusik Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki W. F.-H. U.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2012

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vol. 11

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issue 1

18

Profesor Jakub Goldberg (1924–2011)

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Anusik Z., Uniwersytet Łódzki W. F.-H.

Przegląd Nauk Historycznych

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2011

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vol. 10

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issue 2

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Jacek Pielas, Podziały majątkowe szlachty koronnej w XVII wieku, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jana Kochanowskiego w Kielcach, Kielce 2013, ss. 401

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Witold Filipczak, Życie sejmikowe prowincji wielkopolskiej w latach 1780–1786, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, Łódź 2012, ss. 674

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