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1
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Zarys historii politycznej Komunistycznej Partii Jugosławii (lata 1919-1929)

100%
Stys H.
Historia i Polityka
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2008
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issue 7
127-153
EN
In the article the author sketches the history of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in its first period of activity. Polish historiography hasn’t fully explored the theme of communism in Yugoslavia. The aim of this article is to fill in this blank space. Communism in Yugoslavia had two sources: the local social-democracy and the ideas of the Bolshevik revolution, which came from the East with southern Slovenes coming back home at the end of the world war. The Party, set up in 1919, embraced many different groups, so that the social base of the newly formed party was quite wide-ranging. The popularity of communist ideas was evident during the first elections in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The CPY won 58 seats in the parliament. But the radicalism of the party, which came along with some terrorist at-tacks of communist leftists, caused a negative reaction from the government and communists were banned. Since 1921, activists of the CPY had to operate underground. At the time, two groups in the party started a bitter fight to take control of the organisation. A great opportunity offered itself for the Communist International (Cl) to establish it s full authority. In 1925 the Cl set up a commission whose role was to deal with Yugoslav problems. One of the famous leaders of the CPY Sima Marković was sharply criticised, but still was allowed to act in the leadership. The policy of agreement enforced by the Cl achieved a total breakdown following the Third Congress of the CPY in 1926. Moscow had to seek some new leaders to re-establish unanimity. A group of Yugoslavs spending their time in the USSR were deemed perfect for the job. Mr. Markovic was finally removed from the party. In 1929, the decision of the leadership to start an uprising against the king’s power caused major damage to the party. Most of the leaders were arrested and put on trial, which led to their short-term imprisonment. In the article, we can compare two different people and two different types of political behaviour. Filip Filipovic was one of the leaders that put his own opinions and views aside, when Moscow tightened its grip on the communists. Sima Marković was fighting till the end for his visions, however decisive the orders were. Both of them were in Russia in the second half of the 1930s. No matter how hard they tried to confirm their loyalty to Stalin, they were shot in purges 1938-1939. In the interwar period, the CPY was one of the strongest communist parties in Europe. Astonishing successes in 1920 and a considerable popularity in Yugoslavia, along with the party’s outstanding leaders, are the major reasons why this topic is worthy of exploration
2
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"Demokratska stranka : 1920-1941", Desimir Tošić, Beograd 2006.

100%
Stys H.
Historia i Polityka
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2008
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issue 7
164-172
XX
recenzja
3

ANOTHER FACE OF TOTALITARIANISM (Inna twarz totalitaryzmu)

100%
Stys H.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2009
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issue 2
67-92
EN
The 1948-1953 period witnessed a distinct differentiation within the communist bloc. While the vassals of the USSR were involved in conducting purges of the local communist parties, Yugoslavia, which opposed Stalin's wishes, initiated an attempt at building its own road to socialism. This process involved also other phenomena: a rapprochement with the West, a resignation from collectivisation, and a liberalisation of the system, whose apogee came at the time of the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (November 1952). One of the most ardent supporters of liberalisation proved to be Milovan Djilas. After the Cominform resolution, this exemplary Stalinist turned into a fervent opponent of the Soviet Union and the policy pursued by Stalin. Josip Broz Tito did not react enthusiastically to the liberalisation of Yugoslavia. A reversal from the new line took place already several months after the Sixth Congress, and met with Djilas' resistance. In October 1953 'Borba' started publishing his articles about assorted elements of the communist system, indicating the need to search for a suitable path towards its development and victory. The texts met with an extraordinary reaction among the Party ranks. Ultimately, Tito was compelled to restrain the unruly Montenegrin. Despite the fact that he was appointed chairman of the parliament, Djilas did not intend to abandon his views. Tito and his loyal Party leaders decided to tackle the question of Djilas. A Plenum of the Central Committee held in January 1954 accused Djilas of heresy and a betrayal of his comrades. With the sole exception of Vladimir Dedijer and his wife, Mitra Mitrovic, more than a hundred 'red cardinals' decided to 'burn the heretic at the stake'. Ultimately, he confessed to his errorsand was ousted from the Central Committee and deprived of all higher functions, but he was not forced to name his supposed collaborators or Western masters. It is difficult to unambiguously define the motives of Djilas' 'desertion'. Undoubtedly, as a highly ambitious activist he wished to gain greater impact on the form of a system that was shaped exclusively by Tito. On the other hand, after the experiences of 1948, Djilas wrote about the sort of communism in which he actually believed, and created a conception of adapting the system to an idea proclaiming a state of welfare and justice. One of the elements of this conception was the supreme idea of freedom. Djilas created an ideological current, which tried to reform a people's democracy state and abolish all limitations of freedom of speech, and believed in the possibility of an unlimited discussion within the Communist Party. The Tito regime did not permit Djilas to continue criticising the Yugoslav system. He was tried upon four occasions and spent a total of nine years in Tito's prisons (1956-1961 and 1962-1966). In the West, from the time of the publication of his The New Class, Milovan Djilas was treated as a fighter for freedom, and enjoyed respect and recognition. The ban on his publications was finally lifted by the autocrat Slobodan Milosevic in 1989.
4
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"Federacja Słowian Południowych w polityce Bułgarii po II wojnie światowej: korzenie, próby realizacji, upadek", Elżbieta Znamierowska-Rakk, Warszawa 2005

100%
Stys H.
Historia i Polityka
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2006
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issue 5
139-144
XX
recenzja
5
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"Rozpad Jugosławii : przyczyny i przebieg", Izabela Rycerska, Kielce 2003

100%
Stys H.
Historia i Polityka
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2005
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issue 2
95-101
6
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V Kongres Komunistycznej Partii Jugosławii z 1948 roku i jego znaczenie

88%
Stys H.
Historia i Polityka
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2006
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issue 4
115-224
7
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"Tito : sociološko-istorijska studija", Todor Kuljić, Zrenjanin 2005

63%
Stys H., Kuljić T.
Historia i Polityka
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2007
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issue 6
141-149
XX
recenzja
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