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PL
Proposals to solve to the issue of national minorities by means of providing these groups with differently understood autonomy began to emerge in the second half of the 19th century. These concepts owed their popularity to the nation‐building processes which were at their most dynamic at the time, the shaping of nation states as well as the increase in the aspirations of dependent nations of the Eastern and Central Europe. The article presents different concepts of national autonomy both in the context of Poland and of Europe, and comments on controversies regarding the definition of national minorities formulated in the context of Poland’s constitutionalism, as well as the vision of national autonomy shaped in the framework of political thought at the turn of 19th and 20th centuries and the interwar period in Poland. In conclusion the Author claims that national autonomy, as a concept of solving the issue of national minorities, proved to be a highly unrealistic project, which never became more than a subject of debate. The Author does not conduct a comparative analysis of earlier visions of national autonomy with contemporary ones. One may, however, presume that the notion as formulated in the 19th and 20th century and in the interwar period was mainly aimed at protecting national minorities, while the contemporary understanding sees the autonomy of national minorities as a preliminary stage for establishing their own independent state.
EN
The article focuses on the so -called Ukrainian issue in the light of the Polish conservative thought in the times of the Second Republic. The problem of conservative ideology regarding the matter has been thoroughly examined here, not only in the days preceding the outbreak of the First World War, but in the between the wars period as well. The in -depth analysis carried out below clearly shows that the conservatives were, in their majority, strong supporters of the modus vivendi policy which Poland, they believed, could only benefit from. This sentiment, however, had been frequently reviewed, depending on the current political and economic situation, both on the national and international scene. Before Poland regained her independence in 1918, they had been often inclined to support the idea of federation and, hoping for the eruption of social and political turmoil in Russia, consequently propped up the activities of the Ukrainian nationalists there. In the between the wars interlude Polish conservatives adopted basically two different approaches to the problem of the Ukrainian issue: some would claim that assimilation was the only answer, others would resolve to the postulate of the Great Ukraine. Regardless of their attitude and political sentiments, though, the conservatives consequently supported the idea of Polish national minority growing strong in number and political magnitude on the eastern frontier, traditionally dominated by the Ukrainians. This uncompromising stance, however, mostly brought about by the cultural and socio -economic backgrounds, had never, intentionally at least, instigated any form of ethnic conflict.
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EN
The very core of the demo-liberal attitude towards the Ukrainian issue at the time, was to view it through the prism of the Polish interests protection exclusively. These interests reflected their strive towards regaining the country’s independence, which they thought possible only through rebuilding Poland’s economic potential and capacity. That ambition alone seemed to determine all the actions undertaken and proclaimed by demo liberals in Galicia, then and there. To accomplish this very objective they were ready to act in line with Ukrainian nationals, but their support was austerely reserved only to the matters of language and primary level education. Their attitude being openly anti -Russian did not involve, though, any form of genuine support for the national resurrection of the Ukrainians in Russia. And, if any of that theme had ever been mentioned in any of their works at all, it was only to mark out the indisputably advantageous status they enjoyed in sovereign Galicia at that time. And yet, it is to be stressed, beyond any doubt, that Galician Liberals never presented nationalistic nor chauvinistic sentiments in their opinions expressed about the cultural and civilization supremacy of the Polish nation. Alike other political circles in Galicia, the Liberals failed to put forward any major constructive proposal to improve the relations with the Ukrainians. The amount of interest laid in the Ukrainian issue expressed by them was relatively superficial and insignificant.
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