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1
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Wyborcza selekcja elit politycznych w Polsce

100%
Wojtasik W.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2013
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vol. 38
153-171
EN
Free and fair elections are the method used to select from among the people who have hold specified elective position or public office. In this context, elections are a way of implementing the selection process of the political elite, allowing procedural participation of citizens in shaping political representation. As a result of their execution decisions are made about the distribution of power, which depends on the direction in the act of voting revealed political preferences resulting from translating the achievements of individual votes mandated. Selection of the representatives of the society and subjectivity attributing their decision-making assumes that voters will be able to choose from among themselves those who possess the desired skills, and those who are elected, they will make decisions in the interest of the whole community. The article treats the selection of political elites as a basic function of elections, acting on the issues of creating the political leadership in the parliamentary election, the President of Poland, local governments and the European Parliament.
2
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Kwestie ekonomiczne jako czynnik dyskrepancyjny identyfikacji politycznych

100%
Wojtasik W.
Political Preferences
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2010
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issue 1
153-172
3
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Istotność wyborów i jej czynniki w świadomości społecznej

100%
Wojtasik W.
Political Preferences
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2011
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issue 2
205-226
EN
One of the basic features of a democratic state are cyclical and competitive elections. They are an instrument through which the ideas of political representation are implemented, while being also a factor of creation of various authorities. The specificity of the distribution of power in a democracy is founded on the causative position of the general elections, as a form of granting the most important powers to the institutions of the political system. The present article text presents the results of research on the issue of the social significance of the various elections held in Poland and the factors influencing the perception of their importance. In the course of the study were revealed both the social preferences for the function of distribution of power and influence on the lives of citizens as the most important factors in the perception of the importance a given election. In the case of the least important elections, a key reason for such their perception was the location of the decision-making in other bodies of the political system than the one on which the opinions were expressed.
4
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Sukces Ruchu Palikota w świetle czynników możliwego sukcesu politycznego (Political Opportunity Structure)

100%
Wojtasik W.
Political Preferences
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2012
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issue 3
159-174
EN
The aim of the presented text is an attempt to verify the most popular in the political science literature hypotheses about the emergence of new political movements, potential sources of their electoral success and the prospects for a permanent presence on the political scene. The primary reference is a theoretical model of the Political Opportunity Structure, which is a complex description concept for the success sources of the new political movements. The context for the presented text are the parliamentary elections in 2011 and the success of a new political party – ”Ruch Palikota”.
5
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Głosowanie ekonomiczne w Polsce: koniec modelu tranzycyjnego?

100%
Wojtasik W.
Political Preferences
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2013
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issue 6
101-118
EN
Research on economic voting in Poland have been carried out from the beginning of the democratic transformation, focusing on isolating and testing of the transition model specific to the countries of Central Europe. Its differentiating feature is a novel way of simultaneously joining the retrospective and prospective motivations in the behavior of voters, compared to the conventional model present in consolidated democracies. The purpose of the present article is to attempt to determine the relationship between the two types of electoral motivations identified above in the parliamentary elections, starting with the election of 1991 and ending with the 2011 elections. Based on analysis and constructive criticism of findings of other researchers and own research, the presented paper evidences that the validity of applying the transitional odel in the study of economic voting in Poland has been exhausted, as the prospective motivation is nowadays predominant in the decisions of voters.
6

Systemowa specyfika wyborów samorządowych w Polsce

100%
Wojtasik W.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
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2013
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vol. 5(41)
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issue 1
53-72
EN
The political system transformation initiated in 1989 brought about dramatic changes in the functioning of local and regional government structures. The dimension of their political and social empowerment manifests itself through their own electoral cycle in the form of local government elections. The article is an attempt to expound the specificity of local elections in Poland. The factors behind this specificity indicate the restoration processes of local government, on-going decentralization processes, active use of mechanisms for implementing local government electoral law and the growing significance of elections at the local and regional level. These features make the local elections stand out from the parliamentary, presidential and European Parliament elections.
7
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Rola korupcji politycznej w procesie rozliczalności wertykalnej na poziomie lokalnym

100%
Wojtasik W.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2018
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vol. 58
114-127
EN
The phenomenon of political corruption may affect the process of vertical accountability. Its effect is connected with influencing three components: the information, evaluation and administrative one. Local authorities may weaken the effects of vertical accountability by affecting its course. In the case of political corruption, the most effective way of disrupting the effectiveness of vertical accountability is to affect the information component. It takes place by means of information asymmetry and the management of communication uncertainty. In the case of evaluation component, the mechanism of weakening accountability assumes the rejection of the model of economic voting in favor of axiological or sociotropic one. The administrative component provides relatively least opportunities to weaken the accountability process. In that case, they involve intentionally changing some elements of the voting system.
PL
Korupcja polityczna jest zjawiskiem mogącym wpływać na proces rozliczalności wertykalnej. Jej oddziaływanie jest związane z wpływem na 3 komponenty: informacyjny, ewaluacyjny i administracyjny. Rządzący na poziomie lokalnym mogą osłabiać efekty rozliczalności wertykalnej, wpływając na jej przebieg. W przypadku wystąpienia korupcji politycznej najskuteczniejszym sposobem przeciwdziałania efektywności rozliczalności wertykalnej jest instrumentalne kreowanie komponentu informacyjnego. Odbywa się ono poprzez asymetrię informacyjną i zarządzanie niepewnością komunikacyjną. W przypadku komponentu ewaluacyjnego mechanizm osłabiania rozliczalności zakłada odejście od modelu głosowania ekonomicznego na rzeczy aksjologicznego lub socjotropicznego. Relatywnie najsłabsze możliwości osłabiania procesu rozliczalności wertykalnej występują w przypadku komponentu administracyjnego i odwołują się do intencjonalnych zmian elementów systemu wyborczego.
8
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Functions of elections in democratic systems

100%
Wojtasik W.
Political Preferences
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2013
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issue 4
25-38
EN
Elections are a procedure typical for democratic systems, but also systems which do not respect the principles of democracy often employ them. However, due to their different functional positioning, they fulfill various functions. The presented text is an attempt to present the most important functions performed by the elections in democratic systems. The adopted model of generalization has allowed for separation of seven basic functions, present in all elections: delegation of political representation; selection of the political elite; legitimisation of those in power; control over authorities; political accountability; creation of political programmes; recreation of public opinion image. The presented typology allows for its use both in different types of elections (parliamentary, presidential, local, regional and European Parliament) as well as in relation to different electoral systems. The general nature of the described types of functions allows the separation of specific categories within its framework, but the objective of the present study has determined that the focus remains on the description and analysis of the presented types.
9
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Parliamentary elections in Poland 1989-2011

100%
Wojtasik W.
Studia Politicae Universitatis Silesiensis
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2014
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vol. 13
PL
Abstract: Parliamentary elections, which are shaping the sphere of political competition and the structure of the party system, have been held in Poland since 1989. The article shows the evolution of the system of elections to the parliament and its impact on the institutionalization of the party system. The current shape of the election system proves that the party system is stable both in terms of the sustainability of party entities and the standards of political competi­tion in the election arena. Elections are also a factor which consolidates party leadership in the case of the major political groups. This is particularly visible after Poland’s accession to the European Union. The evolution of the process of gaining political relevance by new political parties is also observed. Following 2001, only one new political party was able to win parlia­mentary representation.Key words: Parliamentary elections in Poland, Polish party system, electoral competition, Donald Tusk, Jarosław Kaczyński
10

Electoral manipulations

100%
Wojtasik W.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
|
2015
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vol. 7(43)
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issue 3
25-39
EN
Electoral manipulations are a mechanism of exerting permanent influence on the election result. The subjects of electoral competition want to influence their electoral opportunities. Possible dimensions of manipulations are related to the potential subjects that carry them out. The ruling ones have a higher manipulation potential than the political opposition. Electoral manipulations modify the level of political uncertainty. Its dimension is shaped in the institutional and communication spheres. The effects of electoral manipulations are more often aimed at the nearest future only, but those in the institutional sphere may shape the long-term level of political uncertainty.
PL
Manipulacje wyborcze są mechanizmem trwałego wpływu na wynik wyborów. Podmioty rywalizacji wyborczej (electoral competition) chcą wpłynąć na swoje szanse w wyborach. Możliwe wymiary manipulacji wskazują na potencjalne podmioty ich dokonujące. Rządzący posiadają wyższy potencjał manipulacyjny niż polityczna opozycja. Manipulacje wyborcze zmieniają poziom politycznej niepewności. Jej wymiar jest kształtowany w sferze instytucjonalnej i komunikacyjnej. Skutki manipulacji wyborczych częściej mają oddziaływanie obliczone na najbliższy czas, ale te ze sfery instytucjonalnej mogą kształtować długoterminowy poziom niepewności politycznej.
11
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Partie polskiej lewicy w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego

100%
Wojtasik W.
Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne
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2010
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vol. 23
69-82
EN
The Polish left-wing parties treated the election to the European Parliament in 2009 as a perfect opportunity to overcome their political marginalisation which affected them after the first European elections in 2004. The above mentioned process once again proved to be true in the next two subsequent elections to the Polish parliament in which the left - wing parties suffered defeat. The parties which played the main role in the talks concerning the coalition and participated later on in governing the country were the post-Solidarity parties: Prawo i Sprawiedliwość and Platforma Obywatelska. The petrification of the party system, resulting in the structuralization of the parliamentary scene, was for the Left a real threat, especially because of the positioning mechanism which benefits the largest parties the most. The results of the Left should be seen as a disappointment. The parties representing it did not actually even try to break through the domination of the Right and were no able to create any kind of foundations on which they could build their future success. The reason for that should be seen in the lack of positioning policy of the parties’ offer on the political market, the inability of generating a common and coherent formula of political activity, as well as the lack of political leadership and the inner struggle between different fractions in the largest party on this side of the political scene.
12
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Preferencje ustrojowe jako czynnik dyskrepancyjny identyfikacji ideologicznych i partyjnych

100%
Wojtasik W.
Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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2011
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issue 2
41-56
EN
Apart from its institutional dimensions, the determining factors of the evolution of a political system are based on the social expectations concerning the possible shape of the preferred and implemented solutions. This paper presents the conclusions of nationwide research carried out on a representative sample (N=1086) to analyze the direction and scope of the expected change in the political system in relation to the political programs of the main political parties in Poland.
13
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Changes in the Party System in the Context of Deconsolidation of Democracy in Poland

100%
Wojtasik W.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2020
|
issue 1 (49)
55-66
EN
The party system and the parties within it were ones of the relevant elements of system transformation in Poland. We can identify several significant determinants of the process with regard to this area. The first of them is formal standards and their influence on the course of political competition. The second is the functions attributed to political parties in the political and party system. The third one is connected with the significance of social structure’s specificity and its influence on voting behaviors. The fourth determinant is the models of competition at the cabinet level. The paper presents these four determinants of development of political parties and the party system in Poland in the perspective of democratization processes.
14
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Wybrane funkcje wyborów parlamentarnych w Polsce

100%
Wojtasik W.
Studia Politologiczne
|
2011
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vol. 22
54-75
EN
The institutional dimension of political competition, a factor determining the system of links between political actors, is the starting point to regard the elections as a mechanism generating patterns of linkages between the political system, the political parties and the voters. The paper examines the impact of selected functions of the parliamentary elections in Poland on political representation, on the selection of power elite and the election of the governing majority. We will focus on presenting the dynamics of these functions after 1989, particularly in the context of the change in party system.
15
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Struktura społeczna oraz preferencje partyjne w układzie autoidentyfikacji lewicowo-prawicowych

63%
Turska-Kawa A., Wojtasik W.
Political Preferences
|
2010
|
issue 1
123-138
16

Communication function of elections

63%
Turska-Kawa A., Wojtasik W.
Communication Today
|
2013
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vol. 4
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issue 1
36-47
EN
The aim of the text is to describe one of the basic functions of the elections, executed at both normative and empirical levels - the communication function, in the context of changes in the structure of Western societies, changes in methods and strategies of political communication and evolution of forms of electoral participation. Nowadays, as the communication function is meant as the establishment of such an interaction between the actors of the electoral process, which by means of non-accidental messages and communication channels guide the decisions of voters. The authors also aim to describe the process of character transformation of the communication function of elections, resulting from changes in the political sphere and its axiological layer.
17
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Zachowania wyborcze obywateli w 2010 roku

63%
Turska-Kawa A., Wojtasik W.
Political Preferences
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2011
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issue 2
11-29
EN
Electoral behavior of citizens in 2010The article presents the analysis of the socio-political context of the carried out project. It draws attention to the events of 2010 that have dynamised the political space, in particular, the Smolensk disaster of April 10, which changed the nature of political competition, not only by accelerating the date of the presidential elections, but mainly by depriving some of the par- ties of the natural candidates in the upcoming elections and leading politicians. This has left its mark on the presidential, but equally on the local elections.
18
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Postawy, zachowania i decyzje wyborcze jako przedmiot badań empirycznych

63%
Turska-Kawa A., Wojtasik W.
Political Preferences
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2010
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issue 1
7-22
19
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Candidate Selection in the 2014 European Parliament Election in Poland

63%
Flis J., Wojtasik W.
Political Preferences
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2014
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issue 9
129-143
EN
The article presents the determinants of creating candidate lists in European Parliament elections in Poland. Its subject context is the evaluation of importance of selected factors with reference to the effect obtained in the election. The main study hypothesis assumes different patterns of creating candidate lists in EP elections in comparison to parliamentary elections, involving the combined occurrence of several determinants. The first of them is the tendency to fill the highest positions in candidate lists with popular people well-known in the media, who have an advantage over anonymous ones. The second factor is territorial bonds connecting candidates with the electoral district where they stand for election. Another determinant taken into consideration is the territorial form of the candidate list. The last important element of analysis is the concentration of support, determined by the position on the candidate list.
20
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“Directiveness” as a Predictor of Religious Attitudes

63%
Turska-Kawa A., Wojtasik W.
Polish Sociological Review
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2017
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vol. 198
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issue 2
189-202
EN
This paper examines the relation between “directiveness” and levels of religiosity (conceptualized as the three dimensions of “closing–opening,” “clericalization–secularization,” and “dogmatism–permissiveness”). The model used has been empirically verified and is a consequence of previous studies proving that religiosity in itself generates both pro-social attitudes (especially in regard to an individual’s own religious group) and attitudes of aggression toward “outgroups.” Researchers have also demonstrated that religion can be a factor that inhibits actual aggression through values such as self-control of negative emotions or impulsive acts. This study finds that the model presented is statistically significant in terms of dimensions such as “closing–opening” and clericalization– secularization: higher directiveness makes it possible to predict higher “closing” and clericalization. This finding makes it possible to discuss directiveness as a foundation for real aggression and attitudes of discrimination against individuals or groups that pose a symbolic or real threat to the unity of the Roman Catholic community.
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