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1
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Hittites et Hourrites dans la Bible

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Lipiński E.
The Biblical Annals
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2012
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vol. 2
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issue 1
9-25
PL
Hittites appear quite often in the Bible, as usually translated, and they happen to be related, even nowadays, to the Hittite Empire of the Bronze Age. This understanding of the biblical texts does not take historical data into account. While some passages may allude to Neo-Hittite states of Syria or be inspired by the cuneiform use of Hatti in Iron Age II, other mentions must have referred originally to the North-Arabian tribe Hatti, living in southern Canaan or the Negev and known from the toponymic list of Shoshenq I (10th century B.C.) and certainly from the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser (8th century B.C.). The case of “Uriah the Hittite” is somewhat different, because the man in question was ewri Hutiya, bearing the Hurrian title “lord” or “king” and a Hurrian personal name. He was apparently continuing the lineage of Hurrian princes of Jerusalem known from some Amarna letters of the 14th century B.C. Hurrian political and military influence in Canaan is well attested, but the Nuzi analogies with patriarchal narratives hardly prove a characteristic Hurrian impact on Israelite customs and the early Hebrew literature. The role of Hurrians, called Horites in the Bible, could no longer be understood properly by the redactors of biblical books, but the realm of Urartu in Iron Age II Anatolia seems to have been known quite well in scribal circles.
2
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Isaac Kalimi – Seth Richardson (ed.), Sennacherib at the Gates of Jerusalem. Story, History and Historiography (Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 71; Leiden - Boston: Brill 2014)

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Lipiński E.
The Biblical Annals
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2016
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vol. 6
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issue 1
147-149
EN
Book Review: Isaac Kalimi – Seth Richardson (ed.), Sennacherib at the Gates of Jerusalem. Story, History and Historiography (Culture and History of the Ancient Near East 71; Leiden - Boston: Brill 2014). Pp. XII + 548 pp. € 181,00. ISBN 978-90-04-26561-5; ISSN 1566-2055.
3
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Cult Prostitution and Passage Rites in the Biblical World

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Lipiński E.
The Biblical Annals
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2013
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vol. 3
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issue 1
9-27
PL
Modern Bible translations often mention ‘cult prostitutes’, female or male, and relate them to a goddess called Asherah. Sacred prostitution is attested in the ancient Near East and in some Phoenician-Punic colonies in the West, but such cult practices are rarely distinguished in modern publications from passage rites with sexual connotations. Moreover, the biblical words qedēšāh and qādēš are related to cult prostitution, while biblical authors simply use them in the disparaging sense ‘harlot’ or ‘priestling’ without paying attention to scientifi c etymology. Besides, the alleged divine name Asherah of the Bible results from a misinterpretation of the Semitic common noun ‘shrine’, attested in Akkadian, Phoenician, Aramaic, and Hebrew. It is confused in various publications with the theonyms Ashtoreth or Ashrath, as happens occasionally in the Syriac translation of Judges. The only passage of the Bible referring possibly to cult prostitution is 2 Kings 23:7, that refers to ‘women renting houses as a shrine’, but its text is often ‘corrected’ and mistranslated. These problems are also illustrated in the article by archaeological data.
4
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‘Shall I Offer My Eldest Son?’ (Mi. 6:7)

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Lipiński E.
The Biblical Annals
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2015
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vol. 5
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issue 1
95-109
EN
Leaving aside the speculations about the alleged god Molech, who does notbelong to the Bible, but only to the history of biblical studies, the article deals witha few passages referring to child sacrifices. Starting from Mi. 6:7, which shows that the molk-offering was a particular form of Yahwistic cult, practiced in the 8th-7th centuries B.C., a distinction is made between an old belief that the first-born should be ‘given’ to the deity and the accomplishment of an unfortunate vow. Among the passages examined are Ex. 22:28-29; 34:19, and Judg. 11. More attention is paid to Lev. 20:2-5 and to Isa. 30:33, where the image of a sacrificed victim ready to be burnt is applied to Assyria. Since the question cannot be studied historically without using non-biblical sources, the article also refers to related Phoenician, Punic, and Latin texts. It examines the etymology of the words molek and tophet, as well as the particular meaning of gēr in the 8th-7th centuries B.C. 
PL
Leaving aside the speculations about the alleged god Molech, who does notbelong to the Bible, but only to the history of biblical studies, the article deals witha few passages referring to child sacrifices. Starting from Mi. 6:7, which shows that the molk-offering was a particular form of Yahwistic cult, practiced in the 8th-7th centuries B.C., a distinction is made between an old belief that the first-born should be ‘given’ to the deity and the accomplishment of an unfortunate vow. Among the passages examined are Ex. 22:28-29; 34:19, and Judg. 11. More attention is paid to Lev. 20:2-5 and to Isa. 30:33, where the image of a sacrificed victim ready to be burnt is applied to Assyria. Since the question cannot be studied historically without using non-biblical sources, the article also refers to related Phoenician, Punic, and Latin texts. It examines the etymology of the words molek and tophet, as well as the particular meaning of gēr in the 8th-7th centuries B.C.
5
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Pierwotne brzmienie tekstu? Refleksje nad krytyką tekstualną Biblii

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Lipiński E.
The Biblical Annals
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2016
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vol. 6
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issue 2
169-181
EN
The textual criticism of the Bible, as viewed traditionally, has for its primary object the reconstruction of the original text from manuscript versions and quotations in ancient writings. Since biblical texts have been often expanded and changed in Antiquity, it is not evident what one should regard as original version. Therefore, the scientific object of textual criticism is to trace the history of the text, to identify and characterize its various recensions or adaptations. This is done in the article by examining a few cases in order to illustrate various kinds of intentional changes or developments and of accidental errors, which happened most often in foreign words, place-names, and personal names. Besides, the same consonantal texts can sometimes be understood in different ways, the masoretic vocalization being one of these interpretations
PL
The textual criticism of the Bible, as viewed traditionally, has for its primary object the reconstruction of the original text from manuscript versions and quotations in ancient writings. Since biblical texts have been often expanded and changed in Antiquity, there is not evident what one should regard as original version. Therefore, the scientific object of textual criticism is to trace the history of the text, to identify and characterize its various recensions or adaptations. This is done in the article by examining a few cases in order to illustrate various kinds of intentional changes or developments and of accidental errors, which happened most often in foreign words, place-names, and personal names. Besides, the same consonantal texts can sometimes be understood in different ways, the Masoretic vocalization being one of these interpretations. 
6
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Holger Gzella, A Cultural History of Aramaic: From the Beginnings to the Advent of Islam (Handbook of Oriental Studies / Handbuch der Orientalistik. Section 1. The Near and Middle East 111; Leiden-Boston: Brill 2015)

100%
Lipiński E.
The Biblical Annals
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2016
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vol. 6
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issue 2
289-295
EN
Book Review: Holger Gzella, A Cultural History of Aramaic: From the Beginnings to the Advent of Islam (Handbook of Oriental Studies / Handbuch der Orientalistik. Section 1. The Near and Middle East 111; Leiden - Boston: Brill 2015). Pp. XIV + 451. €162,00. ISBN 978-90-04-28509-5, ISSN 0169-9423.
7
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Królestwo Mannaj i staroaramejska inskrypcja z Tepe Kalajczi

100%
Lipiński E.
The Biblical Annals
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2015
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vol. 5
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issue 2
307-318
EN
It was first heard of a Mannaean kingdom from the Bible, in Jer. 51:27, and more information became available only in the 19th-20th centuries with the publication of Neo-Assyrian and Urartaean tablets. An important piece coming from the kingdom itself was added to our sources by the publication of an Old Aramaic inscription from Tepe Qalaichi, south-east of Lake Urmia, probably the site of the Mannaean capital city, the Assyrianized name of which was Izirtu. The stele discovered in 1985 only preserves the final part of a longer text with imprecations against any king usurping the stele. Among the curses one finds an interesting reference to earthquakes. The rectified decipherment provides a running text, datable by palaeography to the later part of the 8th century B.C.: 1) ‘Whoever would drag away this stele [and withhold it] 2) in war or in peace, any kind of pestilence, [as] 3) much as there is on the whole earth, may the gods impose on the [coun]try 4) of that king. And may he be accursed to the gods and may he be accursed 5) to Ḫaldi who is in Za‘ter. May seven cows 6) nurse one calf and may it not be satiated. And may seven 7) women bake in one oven and may they not fill 8) it. And may vanish from his country the smoke of a furnace and the sound of 9) a mill. And may his land be salted and may sway back and forth 10) in it the crack of an earthquake. And that king who would [write] 11) on this stele, may Hadad overturn his throne, 12) as well as Ḫaldi. And during seven years may Hadad not send thunder 13) in his country and may the entire curse of this stele smite him.’ These curses contain no reference to encroachments of treaty clauses and they certainly cannot be regarded as the final section of a treaty. They rather close a eulogy of the ruling monarch, comparable to the Phoenician inscription of Kulamuwa. However, they seem to reveal a situation disturbed by internal competitions in the Mannaean kingdom, echoed in Neo-Assyrian texts of Sargon II. The oracle of Jer. 51:27 ff. has another background. It seems to have been originally directed against Assyria and to date from the time of Esarhaddon, when the Mannaeans with Urartu, the Scyths, and the Medes were opposing Assyria.
PL
It was first heard of a Mannaean kingdom from the Bible, in Jer. 51:27, andmore information became available only in the 19th-20th centuries with the publication of Neo-Assyrian and Urartaean tablets. An important piece coming from the kingdom itself was added to our sources by the publication of an Old Aramaic inscription from Tepe Qalaichi, south-east of Lake Urmia, probably the site of the Mannaean capital city, the Assyrianized name of which was Izirtu. The stele discovered in 1985 only preserves the final part of a longer text with imprecations against any king usurping the stele. Among the curses one finds an interesting reference to earthquakes. The rectified decipherment provides a running text, datable by palaeography to the later part of the 8th century B.C.:1) ‘Whoever would drag away this stele [and withhold it]2) in war or in peace, any kind of pestilence, [as]3) much as there is on the whole earth, may the gods impose on the [coun]try4) of that king. And may he be accursed to the gods and may he be accursed5) to Ḫaldi who is in Za‘ter. May seven cows6) nurse one calf and may it not be satiated. And may seven7) women bake in one oven and may they not fill8) it. And may vanish from his country the smoke of a furnace and the sound of9) a mill. And may his land be salted and may sway back and forth10) in it the crack of an earthquake. And that king who would [write]11) on this stele, may Hadad overturn his throne,12) as well as Ḫaldi. And during seven years may Hadad not send thunder13) in his country and may the entire curse of this stele smite him.’These curses contain no reference to encroachments of treaty clauses and they certainly cannot be regarded as the final section of a treaty. They rather close a eulogy of the ruling monarch, comparable to the Phoenician inscription of Kulamuwa. However, they seem to reveal a situation disturbed by internal competitions in the Mannaean kingdom, echoed in Neo-Assyrian texts of Sargon II. The oracle of Jer. 51:27 ff. has another background. It seems to have been originally directed against Assyria and to date from the time of Esarhaddon, when the Mannaeans with Urartu, the Scyths, and the Medes were opposing Assyria.
8
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Elena Di Pede – Claude Lichtert – Didier Luciani – Catherine Vialle – André Wénin, Révéler les oeuvres de Dieu. Lecture narrative du livre de Tobie (Le livre et le rouleau 46; Namur-Paris: Lessius 2014).

100%
Lipiński E.
The Biblical Annals
|
2015
|
vol. 5
|
issue 2
459-460
FR
Book review: Elena Di Pede – Claude Lichtert – Didier Luciani – Catherine Vialle – André Wénin, Révéler les oeuvres de Dieu. Lecture narrative du livre de Tobie (Le livre et le rouleau 46; Namur-Paris: Lessius 2014). Pp. 256. € 22. ISBN 978-2-87299-257-7.
9
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Contrats de mariage judéo-araméens du Ve siècle av.n.è. La position juridique de l’épouse

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Lipiński E.
The Biblical Annals
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2014
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vol. 4
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issue 1
9-41
PL
The Aramaic marriage contracts from the Jewish military colony in Elephantine, written in the course of the fifth century B.C., provide much needed information about the legal position of the wife in the first millennium B.C., especially in the Persian period. They reflect the practice of middle class families, in which the wife’s rights and the basically monogamous character of marriage, as stipulated by the contracts, parallel an old Near Eastern legal tradition, quite different from the rabbinic one, based in part on a misread, misinterpreted, and widely discussed text of Deut 24:1-4. The article examines the successive steps of marriage agreement, as presented in the contracts, which have some basic features in common and record the bridegroom’s request, his solemn marriage declaration, the payment of the bride-price, the drawing up of a written contract with a description of the dowry, and the stipulations referring to the dissolution of marriage by divorce or death of one of the parties. Their equal rights in case of divorce are not due to the Egyptian environment, but to an old Semitic tradition, going back at least to the early second millennium B.C. The monogamous principle of the marriage contracts in question is also examined and their social context is briefly characterized.
10
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Wierzchowce i sala tronowa Salomona oraz gwiazdozbiór Panny według Pieśni nad Pieśniami

100%
Lipiński E.
The Biblical Annals
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2011
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vol. 1
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issue 1
87-101
EN
The Qumran fragments of the Song of Songs witness some versions of the poem which are older than the textus receptus. They also show that independent songs have been combined into one composition. Thus Cant. 3, 6-8, missing in 4QCantb, was a description of Solomon's guards on riding horses or camels, for mttw is the suffixed plural of the Arabic and Aramaic noun matiya, designating a riding animal. This passage has been joined to the following poem, starting in Cant. 3, 9 with a description of king's apadana, a colonnaded hall or palace. Its fi rst word, borrowed from Old Persian, has indeed been misspelled as 'prywn. Another poem, missing in 4QCanta, corresponds to Cant. 4, 8 - 5, 1. It is written entirely in Aramaic in 4QCantb and the Hebrew textus receptus still preserves traces of its original language. The Aramaic poem refers to the zodiacal constellation Virgo, called Kalla in Aramaic and requested to show the New Moon of Elul above the Lebanon range: 't mn lbnwn 'b'y, 'Let the sign enter from Lebanon'. The Song of Songs in its fi nal shape, characterized by its dramatic features and love lyrics, was accepted as Scripture because of its presumed Solomonic authorship, and it was highly valuated by Akiba, as its contents was appearing to him as a qds h-qdsym, a play word meaning 'the sanctification of betrothals'.
11
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Namiestnik, ochmistrz – ’abrēk, hbrk

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Lipiński E.
The Biblical Annals
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2014
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vol. 4
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issue 2
273-278
EN
The Hebrew hapax legomenon ’abrēk in Gen. 41:43 was unsuccessfully interpreted by various scholars in the light of Coptic or Neo-Egyptian expressions. The correct explanation is provided by cuneiform abarakku, attested also in Phoenician as hbrk in the inscriptions of Karatepe, Çineköy, and several stamp seals. The initial h belongs to the original form of the word, as shown by its spelling in Eblaic bilingual word lists, while the Hebrew form ’brk must result from the weakening of the laryngeal in this archaic noun. The logogram AGRIG (lúIGI.DUB), read indiscriminately abarakku for a long time, must be interpreted as masennu / mašennu in Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian texts, at least from the 7th century B.C. on, as shown by the bilingual archives from Ma‘lānā/ Ma’allanate, where Aramaic mšn corresponds to cuneiform AGRIG. The same title appears in Gen. 41:43, where Joseph is mounted on “the chief steward’s chariot” and it is used as a synonym of ’abrēk, the older pronunciation of which in Hebrew seems to have been ’abrak, as shown by its explanation in the midrash Bereshit rabbah 90, dividing ’brk in ’āb, “father”, and rak, “tender”. The original meaning of lúIGI.DUB and of mšn
12
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Trudności biblijne. Bóg pragnie zbawienia wszystkich (1 Tym. 2, 2–4)

88%
Lipiński E.
Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny
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1958
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vol. 11
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issue 2
PL
-
13
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IV Międzynarodowy Kongres Starego Testamentu

75%
Lipiński E.
Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny
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1962
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vol. 15
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issue 6
PL
-
14
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Istnienie Boga według ksiąg Starego Testamentu

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Lipiński E.
Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny
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1960
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vol. 13
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issue 3–4
PL
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15
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III Międzynarodowy Kongres Starego Testamentu

75%
Lipiński E.
Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny
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1959
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vol. 12
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issue 6
PL
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16
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Pierwszy międzynarodowy katolicki kongres nauk biblijnych

75%
Lipiński E.
Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny
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1958
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vol. 11
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issue 6
PL
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17
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Ostatnia uczta paschalna Starego Przymierza

75%
Lipiński E.
Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny
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1958
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vol. 11
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issue 6
PL
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18
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Dwie tendencje w biblistyce?

63%
Lipiński E.
Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny
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1962
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vol. 15
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issue 6
PL
-
19
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Kościół a Stary Testament

63%
Lipiński E.
Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny
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1960
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vol. 13
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issue 5
PL
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20
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Namaszczenie w Betanii

63%
Lipiński E.
Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny
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1959
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vol. 12
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issue 3
PL
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