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EN
In April 2022 four years passed since the introduction into the Polish legal system of extraordinary appeal – a new instrument for the review of final court judgements. The experience of several years of the functioning of this means of challenge provides an opportunity to analyse it on the basis of the emerging case law of the Supreme Court in the context of not only the effectiveness of this kind of appeal, as seen through the prism of procedural justice in criminal matters, but also in the context of emergence of constitutional awareness. It should be assumed that the legislator wanted to introduce a measure that would strengthen the protection of freedoms and rights, also within the framework of criminal proceedings, and which so far did not exist in such a form – in terms of evaluation of the process of applying the law. A few years after its introduction, the fears that extraordinary appeal would become a politically exploited mechanism have not come true. However, after a few years the first cautious conclusions can be formulated regarding its significance for the reliability of the criminal process. Unfortunately, these conclusions are not optimistic. The extraordinary complaint does not play a significant role in the functioning of the criminal process in the shape outlined by the Polish Constitution.
PL
W kwietniu 2022 r. minęły 4 lata od wprowadzenia do polskiego systemu prawnego skargi nadzwyczajnej – nowego instrumentu kontroli prawomocnych wyroków sądowych. Kilkuletnia perspektywa funkcjonowania tej instytucji daje możliwość jej analizy na gruncie rodzącego się orzecznictwa Sądu Najwyższego, w kontekście nie tylko skuteczności skargi widzianej przez pryzmat sprawiedliwości procesowej w sprawach karnych, ale także z punktu widzenia kształtowania się świadomości konstytucyjnej. Należy przyjąć, że ustawodawca chciał wprowadzić środek, który wzmocniłby ochronę wolności i praw, także w ramach postępowania karnego, a który do tej pory w takiej formie nie istniał. Z perspektywy kilku lat nie sprawdziły się obawy, że skarga stanie się politycznie wykorzystywanym mechanizmem. Kilkuletnia perspektywa prowadzi do sformułowania pierwszych ostrożnych wniosków dotyczących jej znaczenia dla rzetelności procesu karnego. Niestety, wnioski te nie są optymistyczne. Skarga nadzwyczajna nie odgrywa znaczącej roli w funkcjonowaniu procesu karnego w kształcie nakreślonym przez Konstytucję RP.
EN
Since 2007 there has been a new legal condition for admissibility of a constitutional complaint — the special constitutional signifi cance (la especial trascendencia constitucional) of which determines the right to protect rights in the amparo procedure. It was introduced as a remedy for the institutional crisis of the Constitutional Court. In this article the author presents the causes of the crisis of the amparo in Spain and also the reasons for which the legislature passed a bill reforming the proceedings before the Constitutional Court of Spain. In the following part the article focuses on the basic directions of changes of the Law on the Constitutional Court. In particular, it discusses the new condition of the special constitutional signifi cance of the constitutional complaint, which is assessed from the point of view of the signifi cance of the Constitutional Court’s judgment for the entire legal system. In the article the author presents the case-law of the Constitutional Court on this matter. Assessing the reform introduced, the author indicates its negative consequences and argues that the new legal regulation has led to restrictions on the right to submit a constitutional complaint.
EN
The need to pass a new Act on the National Council of the Judiciary became apparent after the Constitutional Tribunal’s judgment of 19 November 2009 (ref. no. K 62/07), which ruled that leaving the proceedings before the National Council of the Judiciary (KRS) and the procedure for its functioning beyond the statutory regulation is unconstitutional . This judgment compelled the legislature to on the bill which was adopted on May 12, 2011. The author attempts to examine the extent to which the standards developed in the jurisprudence of the Supreme Court have been reflected in the Act. The article is based on the analysis of 114 decisions of the Supreme Court. Those decisions are thematically diverse, but can be classified according to their content. They cover the following issues: the formal requirements that appeals from the resolutions of KRS in individual cases must comply with, and the scope of cognition of the Supreme Court; criteria used by KRS for assessing candidates for the position of a judge, the relationship between KRS and the President of the Republic in the appointment procedure, retirement of judges on grounds health, consent to further holding of the position by a judge who has attained 65 years of age; procedural standards aaplied in KRS in individual cases. The overall assessment of the Supreme Court case law on matters related to KRS leads to several conclusions. First of all, the Court accentuated the significance of its own review for individual proceedings held before KRS, and rightly reduced strict formal requirements relating to the appeal. Similarly, one should assess the thoroughness with which the Court controlled the criteria of assement of the parties to the proceedings, used by KRS. Recognition is also deserved by consistency with which the Court challenged the conduct of the Council on matters concerning the health status of judges, when KRS adopted resolutions on the basis of judgments of ZUS (Social Insurance Institution) evaluating doctors, without sufficient examination of all the relevant circumstances. The course work on the draft Law on National Court can does not allow us to declare whether and to what extent the shape of the statutory solutions depend on the case law the Supreme Court. Such explanations are not included in the explanatory statement to the bill. Comparison of the text of the Act with the content of the Supreme Court’s judgments, however, suggests that its jurisprudence has had a significant impact on the provisions of the bill.
EN
The article is an attempt to answer the question how the changes in the electoral administration introduced by Amendment Act of 2018 may result on the level of citizens’ trust in the state. The starting point for these considerations is the constitutional consciousness of citizens, which should be an important factor in building and maintaining trust also in electoral bodies and procedures. Elections are an important element of the democratic system. In the electoral process, electoral bodies play a special role in building public confidence. Their task is to ensure a broadly understood reliability of election procedures and fairness of the elections themselves. In the authors’ opinion, the legislator’s intention was a kind of smoke screen, whereas articipatory goals gave way to current politics. Modification of the model of electoral administration from professional to political, increasing the powers of political nominees (electoral commissioners, men of trust) and fairly disrespectful treatment of social observers, as well as favoring party committees, allows to undermine the truthfulness of these intentions. Such actions may raise voters’ reasonable doubts as to the integrity of the elections held, and, as a result, deepen/intensify the already existing distrust.
PL
Artykuł jest próbą odpowiedzi na pytanie, jak wprowadzone ustawą nowelizującą z 2018 r. zmiany w administracji wyborczej mogą przekładać się na poziom zaufania obywateli do państwa. Punktem wyjścia podjętych rozważań jest świadomość konstytucyjna obywateli, która powinna być ważnym czynnikiem w budowaniu i utrzymaniu zaufania także wobec organów i procedur wyborczych. Wybory stanowią bowiem istotny element systemu demokratycznego. W procesie wyborczym szczególną rolę w budowaniu zaufania społeczeństwa odgrywają organy wyborcze, których zadaniem jest czuwanie nad zapewnieniem szeroko rozumianej rzetelności procedur wyborczych i uczciwości samych wyborów. W ocenie autorów intencja ustawodawcy była swoistego rodzaju zasłoną dymną, cele partycypacyjne ustąpiły miejsca bieżącej polityce. Przekształcenie modelu administracji wyborczej z fachowego na polityczny, zwiększenie uprawnień nominatów politycznych (komisarzy wyborczych, mężów zaufania) oraz dość lekceważące potraktowanie obserwatorów społecznych, a także uprzywilejowanie komitetów partyjnych pozwala podważyć prawdziwość tych intencji. Może to budzić u wyborców uzasadnione wątpliwości co do uczciwości przeprowadzanych wyborów, a w efekcie pogłębiać istniejącą już nieufność.
PL
In this paper, we present how the local authority perceives the effects of a refusal to publish judgments of the Constitutional Tribunal. We claim the resolutions of the local government bodies created none new legal situation (they did not create any obligation) because this result directly from Article 190 Section 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The obligation to apply the law resulting from the primacy of the Constitution in accordance with the basic law, connected with implementing the principle of direct application of constitutional provisions, also means the obligation of the authorities to comply with the judgments of the Constitutional Tribunal as the guardian of that supremacy. In our opinion, the resolutions of the local government bodies were not of the nature of acts of power and therefore the considerations of administrative courts that questioned the legality of these acts due to the lack of legal grounds to take them were irrelevant. Therefore, there were no arguments to exclude these resolutions from the legal system based on the arguments presented by these courts.
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