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1
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Ouvriers, proletarjat czy stan czwarty? Konceptualizacja klasy robotniczej w kręgach polskiej lewicy (1832-1892)

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Kuligowski P.
Praktyka Teoretyczna
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2017
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vol. 23
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issue 1
160-194
EN
This article tackles the conceptualisation of the working class amongst the Polish left from the period of the establishment of the Polish Democratic Society (1832) until the convention in Paris, which resulted in the creation of the Polish Socialist Party (1892). The first part of the article concerns the period between 1832-1846. It analyses the first uses of concepts such as “proletarjat” in the Polish political language. It presents a reflective way of transferring political concepts from French. The second part of the article (1846-1878) tackles the slowdown in the process of adaptation of new concepts referring to the working class and looks at generational transformations among Polish left-wing circles. The third part of the article describes the period 1878-1892. Its aim is to show that only in the last decades of the 19th century could one speak of conceptual changes resulting from common Polish experiences. Workers in this last period were pictured as victims of capitalism, yet simultaneously as a class capable of destroying the very same capitalism.
PL
Autor bada sposoby konceptualizacji klasy robotniczej w kręgach polskiej lewicy od powstania Towarzystwa Demokratycznego Polskiego (1832) aż do zjazdu paryskiego, w efekcie którego utworzono Polską Partię Socjalistyczną (1892). Pierwsza część artykułu poświęcona jest okresowi 1832–1846. Zawiera ona analizę pierwszych użyć pojęć takich jak „proletarjat” w polskim języku politycznym, a także ukazuje refleksyjny charakter transferu pojęć politycznych z języka francuskiego. W drugiej części tekstu (1846–1878) z jednej strony podejmowana jest problematyka spowolnienia procesu adaptacji nowych pojęć odnoszących się do klasy robotniczej, z drugiej zaś strony – pokazana zostaje zmiana pokoleniowa zachodzącą w kręgach polskiej lewicy. W trzeciej części omówione są lata 1878–1892. Jej celem jest wskazanie, że dopiero w przypadku schyłku dziewiętnastego wieku można mówić o sytuacji, w której zmiany pojęciowe były rezultatem sumowania doświadczeń polskiej wspólnoty. Robotnicy w tym ostatnim okresie ukazywani byli jako ofiary kapitalizmu, ale także jako ta klasa, która ów system obali.
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Uljanow – człowiek bezdomny. Uwagi o książce Helen Rappaport

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Kuligowski P.
Praktyka Teoretyczna
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2016
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vol. 20
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issue 2
231-245
EN
Helen Rappaport in her book Conspirator: Lenin in exile proposes a new view of Lenin’s lifetime in exile, i.e., of the period 1902–1917, as the most important time in the Russian revolutionist’s life. This approach opens up a place for new interpretations, but also is combined with certain problems. To some extent, Rappaport succeeds in demythologizing Lenin and in showing him as a character whose features and outlook are in the process of being shaped. On the other hand, book contains many formulations that are poorly grounded in sources and sensational plots, which largely has ensured publicity for the book. In addition, Rapport does not give convincing answers to the question of how Lenin’s stay in different European countries influenced the evolution of his outlook. Rappaport’s book is limited in this respect to summarizing subsequent works of the Russian revolutionist, as well as to attempting to interpret them through the prism of his psychological features.
PL
Helen Rapport w swojej książce Conspirator: Lenin in Exile proponowała nowe spojrzenie na emigracyjny okres życia Lenina, to jest na lata 1902–1917, jako na czas najistotniejszy w życiu rosyjskiego rewolucjonisty. Ten sposób ujęcia zagadnienia otwiera przestrzeń dla nowych interpretacji, ale także wiąże się z określonymi problemami. Rappaport udało się do pewnego stopnia „odbrązowić” Lenina i ukazać go jako postać, której cechy i światopogląd wówczas dopiero się kształtowały. Z drugiej jednak strony, książka zawiera sporo słabo ugruntowanych źródłowo, lecz „sensacyjnych” wątków, które w dużej mierze zapewniły jej rozgłos. Rappaport nie dała również przekonujących odpowiedzi na pytanie, w jaki sposób pobyt w różnych krajach Europy wpłynął na ewolucję światopoglądową Lenina, ograniczając się w tej sferze do referowania kolejnych prac rosyjskiego rewolucjonisty lub do prób przyjrzenia się im przez pryzmat jego cech psychologicznych.
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Sprawozdanie z letniej szkoły: Concepta: International Research School in Conceptual History and Political Tought, 9-21 sierpnia 2015r.

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Kuligowski P.
Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM
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2015
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issue 12
271-276
PL
Sprawozdanie
4
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Jak nie postępować? Polscy socjaliści międzywojnia wobec fenomenu bolszewizmu

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Kuligowski P.
Ogrody Nauk i Sztuk
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2013
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issue 3
PL
Artykuł jest poświęcony stosunkowi polskich socjalistów okresu międzywojennego wobec fenomenu bolszewizmu. Z powodu specyfi ki rodzimej myśli socjalistycznej, która kształtowała się w warunkach braku niepodległego bytu państwowego, wiele z jej podstawowych idei nie przystawało do koncepcji, a przede wszystkim – do praktyki rządów komunistycznych w Rosji. Krytyka bolszewizmu opierała się na czterech zasadniczych fi larach, czyli negacji antydemokratyzmu, kosmopolityzmu, napiętnowaniu powszechnie stosowanego terroru oraz instrumentalnego wykorzystywania koncepcji duetu Marks-Engels.
EN
The article deals with the relationship inter-war Polish socialists to the phenomenon of Bolshevism. Due to the fact that Polish socialist thought was formed in the absence of independent statehood, many of the basic ideas do not fi t the concept, and above all - the practice of communist rule in Russia. Critique of Bolshevism was based on four main pillars: negation of anti-democratism, negation of cosmopolitanism, stigma commonly used terror and instrumental use of the concept of Marx-Engels duo.
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Mechanisms of Conceptual Change in the Discourse of Polish Political Emigration after the November Insurrection of 1830–1

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Kuligowski P.
Acta Poloniae Historica
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2021
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vol. 122
109-134
PL
This essay investigates the mechanisms of conceptual change in the discourse of Polish political emigration after the November Insurrection of 1830–1. To this end, a methodological apparatus is employed that has been elaborated by scholars of the German ‘history of concepts’ (Begriffsgeschichte) school and by Anglo-Saxon researchers specialised in the intellectual history and studies on ideology. Quoting a series of period source materials, I argue that the decades of 1830s and 1840s are interpretable in the Polish context as the time of a fundamental breakthrough in the sphere of ideas and political concepts. This turn was caused, for one thing, by the absorbability of Polish political discourse of the time, with a number of new ideas and concepts appearing, particularly those borrowed from the French debates ongoing in the period concerned. For another, it resulted from ardent disputes going on in the circles of the Polish Great Emigration. The concluding remarks stress the need to render a method applicable with such considerations empirically rooted since the dynamism of conceptual change is fundamentally different depending on the period as well as national and linguistic context.
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Gminowładztwo czy miejskość? Meandry polskiej irredenty przed powstaniem styczniowym

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Kuligowski P.
Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM
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2015
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issue 11
69-80
PL
The article discusses the role of the cities in reflections of polish revolutionaries in the 19th century (before the January Uprising). Though social struggles which were ongoing in the first decades of the 19th century in the cities in the Polish lands, the majority of radical democrats and socialists of this time addressed a political message to the peasants. The necessity of inclusion of townspeople in the uprising movement was noticed merely by A. Gurowski, J. Czyński and Fr. Piotr Ściegienny who turned out to be visionaries in this aspect.
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Miecz Chrystusa. Chrześcijańskie inspiracje polskiego socjalizmu sprzed powstania styczniowego

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Kuligowski P.
Ogrody Nauk i Sztuk
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2012
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issue 2
PL
Artykuł przedstawia dzieje chrześcij ańskiego odłamu polskiego socjalizmu na tle epoki, od zarania aż do jego schyłku po powstaniu styczniowym. Na podstawie tekstów z epoki zrekon-struowane zostało ówczesne pojmowanie socjalizmu, zasady programowe Gromad Ludu Pol-skiego oraz anatomia spisku ks. Piotra Ściegiennego. Tekst odtwarza także utopij ne koncepcje przebudowy społecznej Zenona Świętosławskiego oraz Ludwika Królikowskiego i w oparciu o nie ukazuje miejsce chrześcij ańskiego socjalizmu w polskiej myśli socjalistycznej.
EN
The paper presents the history of the 19th century Christian fraction of Polish socialism, from its establishment to its dissolution after the January Uprising. On the basis of selected texts from the discussed period, this paper attempts to reconstruct the 19th century understanding of socialism, the principles of the program of Clusters of the Polish People and the anatomy of Fr. Piotr Ściegienny’s conspiracy. Simultaneously, it discusses Zenon Świętosławski’s and Ludwik Królikowski’s utopian ideas of social reconstruction and shows the place of Christian socialism in the Polish socialist thought.
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Remarks on Communes of the Polish People: the character of organization, the ideology, the meaning

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Kuligowski P.
Journal of Education Culture and Society
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2015
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vol. 6
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issue 2
268-282
EN
The aim of this paper is to rethink three important issues that refer to Communes of the Polish People’s history. Firstly, it proposes a new understanding of organization frames, in which this group acted, using the Eric Hobsbawm’s term labour sects. Secondly, the intention is to undermine the understanding of the ideological development of this organization through the prism of theoretical activity of Stanisław Worcell and Zenon Świętosławski. In this case it proposes to show Communes of the Polish People in the context of changing of Polish political vocabulary in the 1830s and 1840s using the Reinhardt Koselleck’s term Sattelzeit. In this case the most durable achievement of Communes is invention of the term “Poland of the People” (Polska Ludowa). And thirdly, the article shows that references to Communes became extinct in the 1880s, at the time of the twilight of Romanticism.
9
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The Pathogenesis of the Public Sphere in Exile: Anarchy and Unity in the Political Thought and Mentality of the Great Polish Emigration

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Kuligowski P.
Kwartalnik Historyczny
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2019
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vol. 126
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issue 3
PL
The post-1831 Great Emigration created conditions that were particularly favourable for the development of Polish political thought. This development, however, would have progressed at a considerably slower tempo without the deepening of ideopolitical differences, which put paid to any belief that the émigrés would reach unity. Paradoxically, successive rifts were often justified exactly by the aspiration to implement the concept of ‘unity’. The present article focuses on an issue-based analysis of the tensions between the categories of ‘unity’ and ‘anarchy’, and discusses the mechanism which led to the emergence of the public sphere in exile.
10
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Bój o historię i tożsamość. Analiza „marszowych” dyskursów

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Kuligowski P.
Refleksje. Pismo naukowe studentów i doktorantów WNPiD UAM
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2013
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issue 7
PL
The article is about historical policies and discourses produced by modern nationalist movements, as well as centrist and left-wing. The increase in attendance and frequency of demonstrations in recent times is not due to the economic crisis, but the skillful construction of rigid political identity and setting sharp lines of division by the radical right. Representing her environment, and especially the National-Radical Camp, deftly took important historical anniversaries and – presenting themselves as ardent patriots – to define hostile environment as traitors. Centrist and left-wing environment seems to be helpless in the face of this political acceleration and brutalization.
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Wczesny socjalizm i przyszłość

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Kuligowski P.
Praktyka Teoretyczna
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2018
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vol. 29
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issue 3
8-14
EN
A short introduction to a special issue of Theoretical Practice , entitled “Early Socialism and the Future.”
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Subversive Concepts: Empires and Beyond

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Kuligowski P., Marzec W.
Praktyka Teoretyczna
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2021
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vol. 39
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issue 1
EN
“The worst thing one can do with words,” George Orwell once wrote,“is to surrender to them.” One must “let the meaning choose the word,and not the other way,” to use language for “expressing and not forconcealing or preventing thought,” he continued (1953, 169). For centuries,social movements “let the meaning to choose the words” andactively sought new categories to grasp the world. They also expressedthe desire for a new world but often surrendered to words when imaginingit. Medieval heretics, French revolutionaries, and various socialistmovements on the fringes of the Russian Empire one hundred yearslater, as well as groups like nationalist urban reformers, Muslim modernizers,and democratic antisuffragists–all had to face fossilized conceptsthat they attempted to question and modify, actively reappropriatingthem to forge new configurations. They also inherited the existing languageand other sign systems, which cannot be modified at will withoutthe risk of losing the capacity to communicate. To paraphrase Karl Marx’snutshell definition of historical agency, people make use of their conceptsbut they do not do so as they please; they do not do so under self-selectedcircumstances but, rather, under the already-existing circumstancesgiven and transmitted in language and social relations.
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Uniwersytet rynkowy czy wspólnotowy?

63%
Kuligowski P.
Praktyka Teoretyczna
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2010
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vol. 1
203-208
PL
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