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1

Varvisonad ja varvisumbolid eesti moistatuste alaliikides

100%
Voolaid P.
Mäetagused
|
2016
|
vol. 64
69-98
EN
The article analyses colour names in the three most widely spread subgenres of Estonian riddles – classical or ordinary riddles, conondrums, and droodles – focusing on the specific features of each subgenre and their specific differences. The main questions concern the more frequent colour names by subgenres, their more general usage relations, and the use of colours in image creation. Classical riddles belong to a more archaic layer and are, by their nature, poetic descriptions of an object or a phenomenon, in which the image expresses mainly the appearance of the answer object, the facets perceived by senses. Colour names occur frequently in the image creation of riddles, serving as primary indicators in describing an object or a phenomenon and providing a hint at the answer. Classical riddles manifest the importance of colours in the semantic-lexical imagery of riddles (image stereotypes and form patterns), which can roughly be divided into two: 1. In texts with defined subjects, in which the image coincides with the syntactic subject of the descriptive sentence, the subject is often a zoological term, which is complemented by a colour (e.g. clichés such as grey/black/white ox; black pig and red piglets); yet, colour is also essential in human images (e.g. black man, red boy). 2. Texts with undefined subjects, in which the object to be guessed is presented indirectly by means of its activity, qualities, relations, places, time, etc., and colour names are applied in form stereotypes based on some kind of paradoxical differences or contradictions. Conondrums and droodles as more recent subgenres are oriented on humour; they both express cultural stereotypes and symbols by means of colours. As compared to the colour statistics of classical riddles, in conondrums the leading position is occupied by the subject-related term ‘blond’, which marks a fair-haired and fair-skinned person, and is caused by the multitude of jokes about dim-witted blondes that became popular in the second half of the 1990s. Colours play an important role in the absurd questions beginning in ‘What is…?’, as well as internationally known absurd series of elephant-questions, in which the opposition of two colour shades (light-dark, white-black) is widely spread as a humour-creating method. The colour image of the black-and-white droodles often contains the inducing of visual imagination and the occurrence of colour in both the question and answer. Text examples originate from internet databases Estonian Riddles (Krikmann & Krikmann 2012), Estonian Conondrums (Voolaid 2004), and Estonian Droodles (Voolaid 2002), based mainly on the manuscript material of the Estonian Folklore Archives as well as different publications and internet material.
2

Taagin, jarelikult olen olemas. Paroomiline pilguheit Tartu grafitile

100%
Voolaid P.
Mäetagused
|
2013
|
vol. 53
7–38
EN
The article observes the paremic (proverbial-phraseological) element in public space in Tartu, the second largest city in Estonia. The author concentrates on dynamic spaces which are freely accessible to all, without any limitations (incl. important elements of urban space, such as shopping centres, cultural and leisure time centres, stations), and involve the values, symbols and signs of urban life. The aim of the writing is to analyse the nature, proportions and meanings of the paremic matter in the following studied sources: 1) street graffiti, i.e., the (anonymous) drawings, scribblings and writings (200 texts); 2) specific poster texts generated by the Tartu group of the international Loesje movement, which have been glued on the walls of buildings, electrical switchboards, lamp posts, etc. in Tartu since 2004 (the poster collection is available in Estonian, English and Russian at http://www.loesje.ee, and includes 515 texts). The primary source for the current article comprises graffiti photographed by the author in Tartu since the beginning of 2011. The texts have been mainly recorded within the town centre; however, Karlova and Tähtvere districts also demonstrate a conspicuous amount of paremic graffiti. The analysis of multi-modal texts focuses on the proportion of the traditional and improvisational, local and global in the paremia. The aim of the article is to explain what kind of social status, mentality and expressiveness is contained in the texts of this specific cultural phenomenon, and what are the identities, platforms, ideas, and the social reality (concrete events) that these utterances are helping to reflect. The analysis of paremic graffiti texts as social communication applies context-centred methods which give consideration to the social context (i.e., who creates them for whom, where, when, for what reason, what is the receiver’s cultural potential to interpret the graffiti text), and also dwell upon the connection that graffiti has with other domains and other forms of art. The paremic text in graffiti often involves and supports the elements of pop-culture and helps to fulfil the human, philosophical, socio-political, self-expressive and sometimes very aggressive and protest-minded aspirations of the author of a particular graffiti text. Graffiti as a multi-modal written cultural form is open, flexible and adaptable to the surrounding reality. The paremic material is indeed conspicuous in the street art of Tartu, partly due to the fact that among graffiti artists there are many conscious, mission-oriented university and art school students whose actions are inherently carefully premeditated. The graffiti texts in Tartu make references to societal and cultural phenomena, and the memorable aphoristic form intrinsic to paremia, the poetic way of expression – harmony, rhymes – help, in some cases, to better convey the idea of graffiti.
3
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Laughing across borders: Intertextuality of internet memes

63%
Laineste L., Voolaid P.
The European Journal of Humour Research
|
2016
|
vol. 4
|
issue 4
EN
Internet humour flourishes on social network sites, special humour-dedicated sites and on web pages focusing on edutainment or infotainment. Its increasing pervasiveness has to do with the positive functions that humour is nowadays believed to carry – its bonding, affiliative and generally beneficial qualities. Internet humour, like other forms of cultural communication in this medium, passes along from person to person, and may scale (quickly or gradually, depending on the comic potential and other, sometimes rather elusive characteristics) into a shared social phenomenon, giving an insight into the preferences and ideas of the people who actively create and use it. The present research is primarily carried by the question of how the carriers of Internet humour, that is, memes and virals, travel across borders, to a smaller or greater degree being modified and adapted to a particular language and culture in the process. The intertextuality emerging as a result of adapting humorous texts is a perfect example of the inner workings of contemporary globalising cultural communication. Having analysed a corpus of 100 top-rated memes and virals from humour-dedicated web sites popular among Estonian users, we discuss how humour creates intertextual references that rely partly on the cultural memory of that particular (i.e. Estonian-language) community, and partly on global (primarily English- and Russian-language) cultural influences, thus producing hybrid cultural texts. The more interpretations are accessible for the audience (cf. polysemy Shabtai-Boxman & Shifman 2014), the more popular the text becomes, whereas the range of interpretations depends on the openness of the cultural item to further modification.
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