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The article presents a corpus-based study of potential discourse functions of the French adverb actuellement similar to those of the English adverb actually. Despite their common etymological origins nowadays these two adverbs have different meanings. While the available literature assigns only the functions of a temporal adverbial to the French actuellement, the English actually has developed functions of an adversative or elaborative discourse marker in addition to those of a disjunct and subjunct. Nonetheless, some of the occurrences of actuellement attested in synchronic monolingual corpora (Lextutor-Parlé and Araneum Francogallicum Minus) suggest that the French adverb may also perform contrastive discourse functions, in particular in connection with the conjunction mais. Actuellement may also serve to introduce a new topic, even though this discourse-organizing function is represented only marginally in the corpora.
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The paper explores the potential of English sentences with the verb have to constitute the Presentation Scale. Have-presentative sentences, in which the verb is devoid of its possessive meaning, can be viewed as an alternative to the “full presentative” there-constructions. Both constructions contain an indefinite noun phrase presenting new information, and they share the communicative function of introducing a new referent into discourse, cf. We have a long trip ahead of us vs. There’s a long trip ahead of us. Presentative sentences with have are described and classified with respect to the animacy, semantics and reference of the subject, the presence of a locative adverbial, and the semantics of the object.
EN
The paper examines English translation counterparts of Czech sentences containing the particles copak and jestlipak. These two particles share the expressive and intensifying postfix -pak. They are elements of the ‘third syntactical plan’ (or level) which consists of “components which place the content of the sentence in relation to the individual and his special ability to perceive, judge and assess” (Poldauf 1964: 242). The third syntactical plan is fully developed in Czech but to a much lesser degree in English. The aim of this paper is to identify and describe specific English means which correspond to these Czech particles in terms of their function. English counterparts of Czech sentences with copak/jestlipak are excerpted from the fiction component of the InterCorp parallel corpus. As opposed to the lexical means in Czech, the third syntactical plan in English is shown to rely on syntactic constructions, above all on different types of interrogative sentences. The English counterparts are used, at the same time, as markers of the functions of the Czech sentences containing copak and jestlipak, thereby further specifying the functional description of the two Czech particles. Apart from their expressivity and emotionally evaluative nature, the particles are shown to have two main functions: establishing contact and serving as means of epistemic modality.
EN
The text focuses on the formal realization of the communicative function of exclamation in Czech. Since Czech exclamative sentences do not constitute a separate formally distinct sentence type, we apply a contrastive (English — Czech) corpus-assisted approach to identify the formal indicators of exclamations at various language levels. Following Michaelis (2001), exclamations are defined as expressions of the speaker’s affective response to a situation; they comprise two components, namely the speaker’s assessment of a situation as extreme or non-canonical and the recoverability of the propositional content. Although there is no unambiguous conventional pairing between the exclamative function and its formal expression in Czech, the analysis has shown that the exclamation is typically indicated by the accumulation of marked linguistic means pertaining to various language levels, such as intonation/punctuation, expressive lexis, intensifying adverbs and particles and deviations from the canonical word order.
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The paper explores Czech ‘general extenders’, such as nebo jak?, nebo něco, a takový věci, i.e. vague structures loosely appended at the end of an utterance, typical of informal conversation. The method can be described as contrastive (identifying Czech structures corresponding to English general extenders) and corpus-based, drawing on both monolingual and parallel corpora. The interpretation of the discourse functions of general extenders is highly dependent on the context shared by the interlocutors, and the functions often combine and overlap. The authors therefore give a tentative description of the communicative functions of Czech general extenders, based on their occurrences in the ORAL2013 corpus of spoken Czech. The results of the analysis are in general agreement with Overstreet’s description of discourse functions of English general extenders, encompassing both ideational and interpersonal functions. Some of the functions expressed by English extenders (such as ‘soliciting agreement’) were not attested in the Czech data, however. The Czech translation counterparts of English general extenders suggest that some functions associated with extenders in English tend to be rendered in Czech by other means.
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The aim of the paper is to examine the functional and formal features of the construction here’s hoping. Our analysis is informed by the frameworks of construction grammar (Fried, 2010, 2013), grammaticalization (Fried, 2009; Himmelmann, 2004), subjectification (Company, 2006) and impersonalization (Siewierska, 2008). The construction seems to have developed a novel subjectified function, i.e. to express the speaker’s positive expectation while retaining a degree of tentativeness and distance. The data for the analysis was excerpted from the corpus English Web 2021 (enTenTen21). The internal and external features of the construction (e.g. the (non-)deictic function of here, fixedness, syntactic isolation, initial position) together with the overall expansion of the semantic and pragmatic context and the gradual host-class expansion suggest that the process of grammaticalization/subjectification is currently under way (cf. Fried, 2010; Company, 2006).
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