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Świadomość społeczna jako czynnik efektywnego eliminowania handlu ludźmi w Polsce

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Lasocik Z.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2021
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issue XLIII/2
91-126
EN
This article is devoted to the issue of awareness of human trafficking and forced labor among Poles. The analysis is based on the results of social opinion polls conducted in Poland between 1998 and 2020. Although there have been several such surveys, there is so far no summary or commentary on them in the Polish literature. There is extensive empirical material, however, some of the studies raise serious methodological doubts. Finally, interpretation of the results sometimes causes considerable controversy. In professional writing, the problem of social awareness of human trafficking has been discussed much less frequently than such issues as the scale of this phenomenon, the effectiveness of prosecution or the situation of the victims. The narrative axis of this article is Amitai Etzioniʼs concept of an active society. This author argues that a sense of community comes down to the development of optimal responses to emerging social needs. Therefore, questions have to be asked about whether Polish society perceives the problem of human trafficking as important, and whether it has developed the kind of readiness that guarantees that it will "deal" with it in the best possible way. In light of the data collected, and the analysis carried out, the proposed answer is decidedly negative. The article demonstrates that a low level of awareness from citizens became one of the factors that negatively affected the process of building an effective system of eliminating modern slavery in Poland. A poorly informed, passive, and most of all undemanding society turned out to be a “convenient” partner for the state apparatus, which never considered human trafficking to be one of its priorities. Even more, the state has almost completely neglected its duty to build a collective awareness of the danger of this crime, or to support societal responsibility for its victims.
PL
Artykuł ten jest poświęcony problematyce świadomości Polaków na temat handlu ludźmi i pracy przymusowej. Przedmiotem analiz są wyniki badań opinii społecznej, które zostały przeprowadzone w Polsce w latach 1998–2020. Mimo że takich sondaży było kilka, brak w polskiej literaturze ich podsumowania. Z jednej strony mamy do czynienia z obszernym materiałem empirycznym, z drugiej niektóre z badań budzą poważne wątpliwości metodologiczne i po trzecie interpretacja wyników wywołuje czasem istotne kontrowersje. W literaturze światowej problem świadomości społecznej na temat handlu ludźmi też był poruszany zdecydowanie rzadziej niż takie kwestie, jak skala problemu, efektywność ścigania czy sytuacja ofiary. Osią narracyjną tego opracowania jest koncepcja aktywnego społeczeństwa Amitaia Etzioniego, który twierdzi, że sens istnienia wspólnoty sprowadza się do wypracowania optymalnych reakcji na pojawiające się potrzeby społeczne. Dlatego stawiam pytanie, czy społeczeństwo polskie postrzega problem handlu ludźmi jako ważny i czy wypracowało ten rodzaj gotowości, który gwarantuje, że zajmie się nim najlepiej, jak tylko można? W świetle zgromadzonych danych i przeprowadzonych analiz moja odpowiedź jest zdecydowanie negatywna. W artykule dowodzę, że niska świadomość społeczna obywateli stała się jednym z czynników, które negatywnie wpłynęły na proces budowania efektywnego systemu eliminowania współczesnego niewolnictwa w Polsce. Słabo poinformowane i bierne społeczeństwo okazało się wygodnym, bo mało wymagającym, partnerem dla państwa, które nigdy nie uznało handlu ludźmi za jeden z priorytetów swojego działania i niemal zupełnie zaniedbało obowiązek zbudowania zbiorowej świadomości zagrożeń wynikających z tego przestępstwa oraz naszych powinności wobec jego ofiar.
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Forced labour – well-hidden mechanisms of dependence and enslavement

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Lasocik Z.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2021
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issue XLIII/1
271-294
EN
Forced labour is a social phenomenon which is difficult to comprehend and accept due to its exceptional nature. The existing legal definition is not very helpful. This article reflects on a different approach to understanding forced labour and a different operational definition of the phenomenon. The starting point is to look at forced labour from the perspective of social pragmatism and symbolic interactionism by referring to the humanistic coefficient, a concept developed one hundred years ago. Using the experience of Poland in unsuccessful attempts to deal with forced labour, but also referring to global experiences in that field, this article attempts to define the phenomenon in the context of work in general. The key question that arises here is this that if work is a noble and socially visible phenomenon, how is it then that forced labour is almost completely invisible, not only to people, but also to law enforcement? It is suggested in this text that forced labour, burdened with a strong social taboo, is hidden behind a façade of the nobility of labour. At the end of the article, there is a proposal for a new analytical scheme with which the phenomenon can be described in a completely different language than that of criminal justice.
PL
Forced labour is a social phenomenon which is difficult to comprehend and accept due to its exceptional nature. The existing legal definition is not very helpful. This article reflects on a different approach to understanding forced labour and a different operational definition of the phenomenon. The starting point is to look at forced labour from the perspective of social pragmatism and symbolic interactionism by referring to the humanistic coefficient, a concept developed one hundred years ago. Using the experience of Poland in unsuccessful attempts to deal with forced labour, but also referring to global experiences in that field, this article attempts to define the phenomenon in the context of work in general. The key question that arises here is this that if work is a noble and socially visible phenomenon, how is it then that forced labour is almost completely invisible, not only to people, but also to law enforcement? It is suggested in this text that forced labour, burdened with a strong social taboo, is hidden behind a façade of the nobility of labour. At the end of the article, there is a proposal for a new analytical scheme with which the phenomenon can be described in a completely different language than that of criminal justice.   Praca przymusowa jest zjawiskiem społecznym, które ze względu na swój wyjątkowy charakter jest trudne do zrozumienia i zaakceptowania. Istniejąca definicja prawna nie jest szczególnie pomocna. W artykule przedstawione jest inne podejście do rozumienia pracy przymusowej oraz nieco inna, ale operacyjna definicja tego zjawiska. Punktem wyjścia jest spojrzenie na pracę przymusową z perspektywy społecznego pragmatyzmu i symbolicznego interakcjonizmu, odwołujące się do koncepcji współczynnika humanistycznego, wypracowanej sto lat temu. Patrząc na doświadczenia Polski, tzn. nieudane próby radzenia sobie z problemem pracy przymusowej, ale także na podobne doświadczenia w skali globalnej, podejmuję próbę zdefiniowania samego zjawiska – jako takiego, ale także w kontekście pracy w ogóle. Kluczowe pytanie, które się pojawia, brzmi: praca jest zjawiskiem szlachetnym i społecznie widocznym, więc jak to jest, że praca przymusowa jest tak mało widoczna dla ludzi, ale także dla organów ścigania? Stawiam tezę, że praca przymusowa, obciążona silnym społecznym tabu, skrywa się za fasadą pracy, jako zjawiska wyjątkowo godnego i szlachetnego. W końcowej części artykułu pojawia się propozycja nowego schematu analitycznego, który pozwoli opisać  zjawisko pracy przymusowej, zupełnie innym językiem niż język wymiaru sprawiedliwości w sprawach karnych, ale przed wszystkim, jako fenomen społeczny.
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Is research on forced labour at an ‘early stage’? Introduction to the Special Issue

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Lasocik Z.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2021
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issue XLIII/1
7-18
PL
Pisząc o postępach w walce z pracą przymusową Specjalny Sprawozdawca ONZ ds. handlu ludźmi Maria Grazia Giammarinaro w roku 2020 użyła określenia, że ciągle jeszcze jesteśmy na wczesnym etapie. To może dziwić, skoro konwencja dotycząca tej kwestii liczy sobie ponad 80 lat. Praca przymusowa to w istocie dwa zjawiska: eksploatacja cudzego trudu i migracja – obydwa społecznie dolegliwe. Ale z punktu widzenie praktyki życia publicznego najbardziej frustrujące jest jednak zestawienie dwóch liczb: 40.000.000, czyli globalna liczba ofiar różnych form zniewolenia i 100.000, mniej więcej tyle ofiar identyfikują rocznie organy ścigania na całym świecie. Mimo to, wiele krajów nadal nie ma żadnej polityki zwalczania pracy przymusowej, a zainteresowanie polityków jest osłabiane potrzebami rozwoju lokalnej gospodarki. Na ten mało optymistyczny obraz nakłada się relatywnie niski poziom świadomości wielu grup społecznych i dominujące przekonanie, że prawdziwym problemem jest eksploatacja seksualna kobiet i dzieci. Oto powody dla, których wydanie specjalnego tomu Archiwum Kryminologii uznaliśmy za zadanie aktualne i potrzebne. Zamieszczone tu artykuły zawierają szereg interesujących refleksji i przynoszą wiele nowatorskich pomysłów.
EN
Writing about the progress in the fight against forced labor, the UN Special Rapporteur on Trafficking in Human Beings Maria Grazia Giammarinaro in 2020 said that were still at an “early stage”. It may be surprising if we take into account that International Convention on this issue was adopted over 80 years ago. Forced labor has two basic components: the labor exploitation and migration – both of them socially distressing. But from the point of view of the public life, the most painful is the juxtaposition of two figures: 40,000,000, i.e. estimation of the global number of victims of various forms of enslavement, and 100,000 – this is more or less the number of victims identified yearly by law enforcement agencies around the world. Even so, many countries still do not have any policies to combat forced labor but the interest of politicians is weakened by the needs of economic development. Finally, this non optimistic picture is combined with relatively low level of awareness of many social groups and the prevailing false belief that the real problem is the sexual exploitation of women and children. These were the reasons why we considered the publication of a Special Issue of the Archives of Criminology as necessary. The articles in this volume offer a number of interesting reflections and bring many innovative ideas.
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Defining and Regulating Prostitution from the Polish and European Perspective

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Lasocik Z.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2021
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vol. 25
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issue 1
103-125
EN
Prostitution has not received the academic interest it deserves in Poland. On the one hand the issue of eroticism and human sexuality is a relatively strong cultural taboo, on the other research on prostitution raises numerous methodological difficulties. The purpose of this article is to explore two issues. The first is go back to unsatisfactory attempts to define the commercial sex. The second is to look at legal regulations regarding this issue in Poland and several European countries. At the level of sociological reflection, prostitution can be defined by referring to the elements of a specific interaction between two people, one o whom offers paid sex and the other of whom is interested in using such a service. Prostitution is defined completely differently in law and in several European countries, for example in Great Britain and Austria there are interesting legal provisions. But I propose my own definition of prostitution or sex work in which the eight elements are combined. As far as legal regulations of prostitution are concern four categories of countries can be mentioned in Europe. From these in which the provision and purchase of sexual services is prohibited, to those where prostitution is legal and the professional status of the person engaging in it is regulated. There is also variety of perceptions of prostitution as a social phenomenon and different typologies of policies implemented by individual countries. But it appears that further studies on sex business and prostitution as a social phenomenon are needed.
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A new concept of criminology for the labour market

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Lasocik Z.
Studia Prawnicze
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2018
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issue 3 (215)
61-88
EN
There are numerous pathologies in the labour market. However, until now, no effort has been made to approach this subject from the perspective of criminology. In this study, I use the conceptual apparatus of criminology to create a model describing negative phenomena on the labour market. The key element of this model is referred to as a labour market delict (violation), a term which denotes any behaviour by a participant in this market which may lead to infringement of the rights of or damages to the possessions of another market participant, or which may create a threat to the common good, such as social order or justice, or which puts into question the economic and social meaning of work. Delicts of the labour market can be recognized in several areas, such as those involving wages, partner obligations, safety, or duties towards the workplace. The article also contains a theoretical model of labour market delicts and an analysis of preliminary empirical survey of this issue.
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Izolacja spotęgowana – kilka pytań na temat oddziałów dla tzw. więźniów niebezpiecznych

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Lasocik Z.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2008
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issue XXIX-XXX
703-718
7
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Przestępca zawodowy

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Lasocik Z.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2002
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issue XXVI
17-51
EN
 The article seeks to sum up all that has been said on the subject of professional criminality in the past half-century. It was never any part of the author’s aim to offer an analysis of contemporary professional crime. He viewed his task in much more modest terms. First of all he presents the origins of professional crime in a historical perspective and adduces the traditional definitions of the phenomenon dating to the first decade of the 20th century. Next he addresses the issue of empirical determination of the scale of professional crime and presents more recent approaches to description of this kind of criminality and attempts to define the concept of professional criminal. In an account with a primarily sociological focus the emphasis is on the origins of professional criminality seen as one of many mechanisms regulating the behavior of individuals. Historical sources indicate that professional criminality made its appearance during the late Middle Ages when feudal social structures were overtaken by a process of disintegration. The rise of this type of crime was made possibile by the materialization of conducive social and economic conditions such as changes in social structure and mass production. Professional crime is a product of modern societies, which employ money and produce surpluses of goods. In primitive societies there are not enough goods in the possession of the average citizen for the professional criminal to make a livelihood from larceny and for this occupation to be viable as one of the forms of organized social activity. Scholars did not discern this problem until the end of the 19th century. The first one to introduce the idea of the professional criminal to the language of criminology, law and sociology was F. Liszt. This was at a time when lawyers, anthropologists and sociologists were engaged in debates and arguments on the subject of repeated criminality and ways of tackling crime of this type. It was then that there came the first definition of professional criminality. There was agreement among many analysts of that period that the most important thing was to recognize that wrongdoers polish their expertise in the art of committing crime and make such activities a permanent source of income. Simultaneously, in the United States there came the beginnings of in-depth studies of social phenomena, including crime, pioneered by the Chicago School. One result of the new investigative approach was the first studies of professional crime, notably Edwin Sutherland’s well-known work The Professional Thief. The traditional definition of the concept of professional criminal derives precisely from this period, that is the first half of the 19th century. Though investigations in Europe and the United States followed a variety of directions the findings with regard to the principal characteristics of professional criminals were substantially similar. The basic characteristic was seen to be the fact that professional criminals earn their living from committing crimes, which means that the time normally devoted to employment is in their case devoted to planning and carrying out criminal activities. A second salient characteristic was possession of the requisite knowledge, skills and experience in the field of criminal activity. Another influence on this kind of career choice is a sense of identification with the criminal world and a hostile attitude to the representatives of law and order although the professional criminal also knows how to deal with them in a crisis situation (e.g. arest). Despite the existence of a host of writings on the subject of professional criminality and agreement among many authors about its principal characteristics, voices questioning the existence of such a category as the professional criminal continue to make themselves heard. The aforementioned works also includes ones whose authors attempted empirical verification of the existence of such a category of criminals and determination of the scale of professional criminality as a social phenomenon. Here investigation encountered obstacles as it was found that the more or less generally accepted definition of professional criminal did not easily lend itself to the process of operationalization. None the less, as a result of research conducted in various countries, in various periods and by diverse methods scholars have succeeded in establishing that professional criminality does exist and is a widespread phenomenon rather than the elite occupation that it might appear to be based on the proposed definitions. Students of the subject suggest that the number of persons meeting the definition (even in its simplest version) should be estimated in thousands rather than double digits. Professional criminality is from a legal point of view a phenomenon of no interest. The commission of a crime by a perpetrator who can be characterized as a professional criminal does not in most cases weigh for anything in determining the degree of criminal responsibility. However, professional crime is of interest as a social phenomenon, which explains why the literature on the subject is dominated by works with a typically sociological approach. Scholarly inquiry revolved around a number of problems which in terms of the intrinsic nature of the phenomenon discussed here are of the essence. Of these the most important are the relationship between professional criminals and their social environment and with the wider community, their attitude to law enforcement agencies, social status, rationalization of their behavior, and the machinery of recruitment to this group. Though the relations between the criminal and the “occupational” group take a diversity of forms, it is those of a normative character which are of overriding significance. It is thanks to the criminal group that he acquires professional criminal status and the group which lays down the system of rulet for the criminal’s social and professional conduct and which forms the natural infrastructure for criminal activity. On the other hand, every criminal is also a member of society to which he is connected by a multiplicity of ties. If he is to function in the community at all normally, even if it is only on the fringes of social life, he has somehow to rationalize his behavior which is, at bottom, directed against society. The most frequent way in which he does this is by questioning the honesty of all other participants in the social situation or by moral disparagement of his victim. There is no agreement among scholars on the question of nature of the professional criminal’s attitude to “normal” society. Some maintain that it is negative, others that it is positive. The former stress the fact that a negative attitude is a simple consequence of employing rationalization mechanisms which place the perpetrator of crimes in a conflict or at best hostility relationship with society. According to the opposite school of thought professional criminals try to maintain the best possible relations with society and are sympathetically disposed towards it since its success and well-being are for them a guarantee of rich pickings. However, there is a special relationship between professional criminals and the representatives of law enforcement. A natural consequence of their chosen career is that they are in a state of permanent conflict with the guardians of law and order. However, conflict does not necessarily mean enmity. Police officers regard the elite of the criminal world with a peculiar kind of respect, especially thieves who do not resort to violence. Though professional criminals treat police officers or prison guards as their adversaries they acknowledge their superiority at the moment of apprehension. They then go out of their way to gain an officer’s favor and will not shrink from attempting bribery and occasionally even passing on information. The normative character of the professional criminal’s relations with the criminal group means that the machinery of recruitment of new members becomes the crux of the matter. On this point, too, researchers’ opinions are divided. There are those who contend that the phenomenon of recruitment exists and that it is the crucial element in the creation of occupational identity and internalization of group norms. The critics of this view readily cite empirical data which indicate that criminals themselves deny the existence of a phenomenon of recruitment and its performance of any kind of regulatory function. The so-called traditional method of defining professional crime, given currency by European legal theorists and American sociologists in the first half of the 19th century, has come under criticism in recent decades. Researcher representing various theoretical schools have gathered empirical evidence that calls in question the existence of a category of professional criminals who make their living solely from crime, specialize in one kind of crime and are closely connected with the criminal world, the latter being their point of reference and source of norms and rules of conduct. The reality seems to be more complicated. Among criminals there are some who are beyond question professionals and specialists in some area of activity but have never belonged to any sort of criminal community. There are also felons who have strong links to criminal groups but engage in a diversity of criminal activity and do not aspire to any form of specialization. It is becoming increasingly frequent to treat the criminal community not as a reference group but as a natural infrastructure for criminal activity. A question that arises in this context concerns the connections between professional crime and organized crime which for years was treated by criminology as a separate and distinct phenomenon. In the crime patterns of recent decades there have also appeared other developments (car theft, cybercrime) with respect to which the traditional method of defining professional crime has proved useless. The questions raised and the doubts voiced have confronted criminology with the necessity of redefining professional criminality. However, if the phenomenon is viewed in a somewhat broader perspective it has to be noted that one of the most important challenges for contemporary criminology might prove to be reorientation of theoretical reflection on the subject of definition and classification of criminal behavior in general and by the same token reorientation of our way of thinking about construction of typology of crime.
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Handel ludźmi jako przestępstwo i naruszenie praw człowieka – wyzwania dla kryminologii

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Lasocik Z.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2006
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issue XXVIII
233-253
EN
Trafficking of human beings that constitutes a contemporary form of slavery is a human rights violation and a serious crime. Due to the importance of this crime, it is covered by several international instruments of a different legal nature. Among them, two are especially important: The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children supplementing the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organised Crime and Council Framework Decision of l9 July 2002 on Combating Trafficking in Human Beings. There are two main features of human trafficking: these offences are transnational by nature and involve organised criminal groups. However, trafficking is considered transnational not only if it is committed in more than one state, but also if a substantial part of preparation or planning takes place in another state. There are numerous forms of crime human trafficking, such as the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery servitude or the removal of organs. It should be added that also child pornography is considered as human trafficking. As human trafficking is a complex phenomenon, there are also criminal activites which might be called ‘borderline’ such as forced marriages, marriage of  convenience, illegal adoption, sex tourism or forced domestic labour. Many of tchem are not even considered as crime. Human trafficking constitutes a serious challenge for criminology, as it becomes one of the most fruitful criminal activities. So far, it has not been a popular subject of studies and research. Although our knowledge of organised crime as such is growing significantly, the trafficking is a problem for crime control due to its nature, economic background, well-organised market of the services and the lack of knowledge and skills of the state institutions, and the ambivalence of the public.
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Sytuacja osób transpłciowych w więzieniu – przegląd standardów międzynarodowych i praktyki

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Lasocik Z.
Praca Socjalna
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2023
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vol. 38(2)
81-104
EN
The situation of transgender people in prison is very difficult, mainly because of their sense of security, but also because of their specific needs in terms of medical care and social support. Contemporary culture is more and more “sensitive” to the situation of specific social groups, such as seniors, LGBT people or people experiencing gender incompatibility. As for the last category, it is only from January 1, 2022 in the new WHO classification of diseases, the phenomenon of transgenderism is no longer treated as a health disorder. The article is an attempt to review international legal standards concerning the conduct towards such persons and the provisions regulating their functioning in conditions of deprivation of liberty. My goal is to follow the evolution of these standards and to demonstrate good and bad practices in different countries. One of the guiding principles of the modern penitentiary system is the separation of people of different sex, motivated by the need to protect women. From this point of view, the execution of punishment against a transgender person is a difficult challenge for a penitentiary institution, mainly logistical, leading to the dilemma in which facility should such a person be placed, or how to choose the best punishment regime. The second serious problem is the scope of the state's obligations in terms of caring for the health of such a person, their social needs and possible gender reassignment. International standards and national regulations are very diverse in this matter, but above all they are of the so-called soft law, i.e., guidelines and recommendations. The test for our civilization will be how quickly this soft law will become a law “graven in stone”. The starting point for writing this article were the negative experiences of Weronika W., a transgender woman serving a prison sentence in Poland, as well as a discussion about the location of an activist who introduced herself as Margot, detained during a street demonstration in the Summer of 2020.
PL
Sytuacja osób transpłciowych w więzieniu jest bardzo trudna, głównie ze względu na ich poczucie bezpieczeństwa, lecz także z powodu specyficznych potrzeb w zakresie opieki medycznej i wsparcia socjalnego. Współczesna kultura jest coraz bardziej „wyczulona” na położenie szczególnych grup społecznych, takich jak seniorzy, osoby LGBT czy osoby doświadczające niezgodności płci. Jeśli chodzi o tę ostatnią kategorię, to dopiero od 1 stycznia 2022 r. w nowej klasyfikacji chorób WHO zjawisko transpłciowości przestało być traktowane jak zaburzenie zdrowotne. Artykuł jest próbą dokonania przeglądu międzynarodowych standardów prawnych dotyczących postępowania wobec tych osób oraz przepisów regulujących ich funkcjonowanie w warunkach pozbawienia wolności. Moim celem jest prześledzenie ewolucji tych standardów oraz zademonstrowanie dobrych i złych praktyk w różnych krajach. Jedną z naczelnych zasad funkcjonowania nowoczesnego systemu penitencjarnego jest rozdział osób różnej płci, motywowany potrzebą ochrony kobiet. Z tego punktu widzenia wykonanie kary wobec osoby transpłciowej stanowi dla instytucji izolującej trudne wyzwanie, głównie logistyczne, sprowadzające się do dylematu, w jakiej placówce ulokować taką osobę, czy też jak dobrać najlepszy reżym odbywania kary. Drugi poważny problem to zakres obowiązków państwa w kwestii troski o zdrowie takiej osoby, jej potrzeby socjalne oraz ewentualną korektę płci. Standardy międzynarodowe i regulacje krajowe są w tej materii bardzo różnorodne, ale przede wszystkim mają charakter tzw. soft law, czyli rekomendacji i zaleceń. Testem dla naszej cywilizacji będzie to, jak szybko to miękkie prawo stanie się prawem „wykutym w kamieniu”. Asumptem do napisania tego artykułu były negatywne doświadczenia Weroniki W., transpłciowej kobiety odbywającej karę pozbawienia wolności w Polsce, lecz także dyskusja wokół miejsca umieszczenia aktywistki przedstawiającej się jako Margot, zatrzymanej w trakcie demonstracji ulicznej latem 2020 r.
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Funkcjonowanie oddziałów dla tzw. "więźniów niebezpiecznych" w Polsce

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Lasocik Z.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2009
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issue XXXI
299-344
EN
A series of mysterious deaths in prisons made the issue of persecution organs functioning, but first and foremost question the effectiveness of controls within the prison system, returned to the newspapers’ headines. In the large part the debate has been concerned with the safety of persons who may have important information regarding ongoing criminal proceedings. Opinions are divergent, and their authors often refer back to fundamental issues. The most important and arousing the strongest emotions ones among them are as follows: where is the limit of permitted prision isolation, and how should the special units for specific categories of offenders operate? The presented study is the result of research entitled “Wstępna ocena funkcjonowania oddziałów dla więźniów niebezpiecznych” (“Introductory assessment of wards for particularly dangerous criminals”) which I carried out in 2007-2008. In the research, I examined the subject of the borders of the prison isolation, with particular emphasis on the effects of its escalation, for those who are the subjects, and for those who are executors of enhanced isolation alike. The research consisted of 10 case studies carried out on prisoners, who stayed in the special prison units with a very high degree of isolation for the longest time. Their period of stay ranged from 7 to 14 years. Penitentiary records of these individuals and the material gathered during the in-depth interviews were analysed. In addition to the presentation of the data collected during the research also contains an attempt to present a useful analytic scheme to describe and understand the functioning of this segment of the prison system, which is responsible for the isolation and control of the most dangerous criminal offenders and the most recalcitrant prisoners. The unit analysed was, so-called N ward, treated as an element of the prison culture and culture in general. The primary data source is the materials and documents related to the functioning of this segment of the prison system and the awareness of individuals participating in this social phenomenon. The latter is consistent with the assumptions of humanist criminology, in which an individual experience is a key vehicle for knowledge of the culture, and the knowledge should be searched there. The essence of this approach to the study of social phenomena is a recommendation by F. Znaniecki to study it with “the humanistic factor.” The study reconstructed the origins of wards with a high degree of isolation and it systemic rationalisation. The information collected, justify the hypothesis that the system of N wards in Poland was not prepared well enough. Ultimately there are 16 branches and with over more than 400 specially protected places of imprisonment created, despite the considerable cost, only because they were presented to decision-makers as one of the key instruments to combat the organized crime.
11
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Kryminologia rynku pracy

100%
Lasocik Z.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
2017
|
issue XXXIX
27-70
EN
The aim of the article is to bring attention to certain aspects of the labour market which are not in themselves criminal offenses but can definitely be considered as negative. The labour market has already been studied as an arena of market games as well as a place where the rights of the employee are infringed upon. My intention was to apply concepts from criminal science to the labour market. For the purposes of the text, I adopted a broad definition of this science, viewing it as deepened reflection on the state of society, asking questions about the origins of public order and considering the social consequences of negative actions and behaviour. Scholarly works and press articles commonly employ the term ‘labour market’, but this is a misleading designation because unlike in the commodity market, here we are not talking about supply vs demand, while the price is not a key element of free market play. Moreover, the commodity market is all about exchange, the result being a change of ownership status. Meanwhile, in the labour market a special type of social relationship is established, known as employment. Unlike on the commodity market, in the labour market the ‘commodity’ itself, i.e. the person, takes part in making market decisions. To be more precise, we should say that participation in decision-making belongs to the person as the key provider of the commodity sold, i.e. work. The labour market is also an arena of purely social interactions because it is here that the employer and employee meet (also literally). Sometimes this meeting produces negative consequences for one of the parties, although more often for the employee. In this context the role of the state as a regulator that can undertake preventive measures (setting up legal and other types of standards to prevent violations) or follow-up measures (building a system of effective redress should violations occur), emerges. In my view, the complex network of such dependencies and relations as described above should be the focus of labour market criminology. To facilitate description of the social reality considered I propose to introduce a new notion, namely labour market tort. Any action on the part of a market participant that has the potential to infringe upon the rights or holdings of another participant and which endangers common goods such as public order or justice should be considered a case of such tort, as should any action that undermines the economic and social purpose of work. I also propose to develop a new instrument of criminal labour market analysis which I have tentatively called the degree of disturbance on the labour market. This degree could be measured with the number of torts on the labour market per every 100,000 employees. I would also like to propose a theoretical model of analysing violations of public order on the labour market as well as a scheme of dependence between the basic components of the phenomenology of such violations. Departing from the premise that the aim of criminal science is to describe and explain social reality, I have tried to identify areas that are prone to violations of public order on the labour market, which areas could serve to identify types of torts on the labour market. Among these are the purely economic dimension of the labour market, the rights and duties of its participants with regard to one another, the human dimension of work, i.e. work from a social perspective, and finally the so-called arrangement of market forces which determine whether we are dealing with an employee’s or employer’s market. The article also includes a review of the legal regulations pertaining to work, a brief report on pilot empirical research concerning labour market tort, an analysis of data concerning violations of employee rights and an attempt to describe the phenomenon of forced labour as one of the gravest pathologies of the contemporary labour market.
12
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O handlu ludźmi w Polsce, czyli o ewolucji zjawiska i budowie systemu jego eliminowania

100%
Lasocik Z.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
2012
|
issue XXXIV
481-529
EN
The thesis of this work is as follows: human trafficking is particularly detrimental as it harms the foundations of modern civilization. It is a phenomenon which appeared in Poland 20 years ago and is still present. What is more, one can see its significant expansion in all possible dimensions. The character of this crime is changing, less and less frequently this is a criminal activity of organized crime groups (mafia gangs), more and more frequently it is a well-organised activity of criminal groups organized ad hoc. New forms of enslavement and abuse appear while physical abuse, relatively easier to detect, plays less and less important role. The change includes also the scale of the problem, measured by the number of criminal cases or the number of reported victims, and to be clear the numbers do not decrease, they increase. The evolution spoken of here includes also such issues as origin of the victims and their sociodemographic profile (here the direction of development is also clear, the victims come from all countries and continents and they are more and more diverisified). Polish law has been changing for many years but it is hard to admit the law is fully adequate to the needs and the scale of the problem. The practice of action of many public institutions changes. Efforts to eliminate human trafficking have been made for years, without effects though. The system to eliminate human trafficking, which has been built for 15 years in Poland, has stable legal and institutional basis, yet lack of political will and decisive organization actions causes the system to lack effectiveness and flexibility necessary in a confrontation with such a dangerous phenomenon as human trafficking is. A reliable description of human trafficking is hard in any place and at any time. In such countries as Poland, it is particularly hard for several reasons. Most of all because it is a phenomenon well-hidden behind many facades of fully legal activities, it is also a rich in content, diverse, and ever changing phenomenon. It is still valid that what we know of human trafficking is merely a tip of the iceberg. We know little about it also because Poland has been a member of EU which makes it an attractive destination for foreigners who either seek their opportunities here or move to other EU countries using the freedom of movement. One of prominent features of evoulution of human trafficking in Poland is a Shift from the country of origin to transit country and to destination one. Political and economic changes of the early 1990s combined with temporary decrease in police effectiveness resulted in increase in crime. Also the serious one, organized crime. This is when human trafficking ap-peared in Poland. In the beginning, activity of criminal groups concentrated on recruitment of Polish women to sex businesses in Western Europe.
13
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Więźniowie szczególnie chronieni – prawo i praktyka, czyli o społecznych skutkach decyzji politycznej

100%
Lasocik Z.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
2019
|
issue XLI/2
81-152
EN
One consequence of the amendment to the Executive Penal Code from 5 January 2011 was the status of a specially protected prisoner. Tis study is based on research aimed at determining the individual and systemic consequences of creating this new category of prisoners. I assumed that these consequences in both aspects would be negative and this assumption was fully confrmed by the empirical material. Te research took place from 2014 to 2017 and consisted of 3 elements: a detailed description of the legislative process, an analysis of statutory, and executive provisions and  an examination of prison practice, whereby interviews were conducted with individuals covered by special protection. Te interviews reveal that these people are treated no differently than those who pose a serious threat to the safety of others and to order in the prison (so-called “N” prisoners) .
PL
Następstwem nowelizacji k.k.w. z 5 stycznia 2011 r. było wprowadzenie statusu więźnia szczególnie chronionego. Opracowanie jest relacją z badań, których celem było ustalenie, jakie są indywidualne i systemowe konsekwencje stworzenia tej nowej kategorii więźniów. Założenie, że konsekwencje te są w obydwu wymiarach negatywne, w pełni potwierdziło się w świetle materiału empirycznego. Badania prowadzone były w latach 2014–2017 i składały się z trzech części: szczegółowego opisu procesu legislacyjnego, analizy przepisów ustawowych oraz wykonawczych, a także badań praktyki więziennej poprzez przeprowadzenie wywiadów z osobami objętymi ochroną. Z wywiadów wynikło, że postępowanie wobec tych osób niczym nie różni się od traktowania tych, którzy stanowią poważne zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa innych osób oraz dla porządku w zakładzie karnym (tzw. kategoria „N”).
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Krajowy Mechanizm Prewencji Tortur w oczach funkcjonariuszy Służby Więziennej

63%
Lasocik Z., Męzik A.
Nowa kodyfikacja prawa karnego
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2019
|
vol. 54
85-127
EN
The purpose of this study is to present the results of research conducted among officers and employees of the Prison Service regarding the knowledge and opinions of representatives of this professional group on the National Mechanism for the Prevention of Torture (hereinafter also KMPT, Mechanism).
15
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Legal and social implications of sexual services other than prostitution

63%
Wieczorek Ł., Lasocik Z.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
2020
|
issue XLII/2
133-174
PL
The article is based on research carried out as part of the international research project ‘Demand for Sexual Exploitation in Europe (DESIRE)’, covering Croatia, the Netherlands, Poland, and Sweden. The project, financed by the European Commission, was implemented in 2017–2018. The purpose of this publication is to discuss one of the aspects of this research, namely, the functioning of various forms of sexual services other than prostitution. In this context we focussed our study on such phenomena as erotic massage, phone sex, peep shows, or ‘sponsorship’. The starting point of our considerations is the question of whether some forms of satisfying someone’s sexual needs can lead to the exploitation of those who do it. That is why we first present a detailed description of all these phenomena, while in the description we take into account the similarities and differences between the discussed forms and typical prostitution. As one of the goals of the DESIRE project was to establish the relationship between legal regulations and the scale of the sex industry, we analyse the legal and sociopolitical aspects of providing sexual services other than prostitution in the four countries mentioned above. The selection of these four countries is not accidental, because they represent four models of regulating the provision of sexual services that currently function in Europe: from full penalisation (Croatia) to full legalisation (the Netherlands). On the other hand, we looked at these alternative forms of commercial sex from the perspective of human trafficking. Answering the key question of this article, we attempted to indicate the situations and elements of sexual services other than prostitution in which the persons providing them may be exposed to sexual abuse or trafficking. Artykuł powstał w oparciu o wyniki badań przeprowadzonych w ramach międzynarodowego projektu badawczego Eksploatacja seksualna w Europie z perspektywy popytu [Demand for Sexual Exploitation in Europe – DESIRE], obejmującego Chorwację, Holandię, Polskę i Szwecję. Projekt, finansowany przez Komisję Europejską, był realizowany w latach 2017–2018. Celem tego opracowania jest omówienie wycinka badanej problematyki, a mianowicie funkcjonowania innych niż prostytucja form świadczenia usług seksualnych. W tym zakresie interesowały nas takie zjawiska, jak masaż erotyczny, seks telefon, peep show czy sponsoring. Punktem wyjścia naszych rozważań jest pytanie czy niektóre formy komercyjnego zaspokajania potrzeb seksualnych mogą prowadzić do eksploatacji osób, które się tym zajmują? To dlatego prezentujemy szczegółową charakterystykę wszystkich tych zjawisk, przy czym w opisie uwzględniamy podobieństwa i różnice opisywanych form do typowej prostytucji. Ponieważ jednym z celów projektu DESIRE było ustalenie związków pomiędzy regulacjami prawnymi seks biznesu a skalą handlu ludźmi analizie poddajemy także prawne i społeczno-polityczne aspekty świadczenia usług seksualnych innych niż prostytucja w czterech wymienionych wcześniej krajach. Dobór tych krajów nie jest przypadkowy, ponieważ reprezentują one cztery modele regulacji świadczenia usług seksualnych funkcjonujące w Europie: od pełnej penalizacji (Chorwacja) do pełnej legalizacji (Holandia). Z drugiej strony staramy się spojrzeć na opisane formy komercyjnego zaspokajania potrzeb seksualnych z perspektywy handlu ludźmi. Odpowiadając na kluczowe pytanie opracowania staraliśmy się wskazać te elementy usług seksualnych, innych niż prostytucja oraz te sytuacje, w których osoby je świadczące mogą być narażone na wykorzystanie seksualne lub na handel ludźmi.
EN
The article is based on research carried out as part of the international research project ‘Demand for Sexual Exploitation in Europe (DESIRE)’, covering Croatia, the Netherlands, Poland, and Sweden. The project, financed by the European Commission, was implemented in 2017–2018. The purpose of this publication is to discuss one of the aspects of this research, namely, the functioning of various forms of sexual services other than prostitution. In this context we focussed our study on such phenomena as erotic massage, phone sex, peep shows, or ‘sponsorship’. The starting point of our considerations is the question of whether some forms of satisfying someone’s sexual needs can lead to the exploitation of those who do it. That is why we first present a detailed description of all these phenomena, while in the description we take into account the similarities and differences between the discussed forms and typical prostitution. As one of the goals of the DESIRE project was to establish the relationship between legal regulations and the scale of the sex industry, we analyse the legal and sociopolitical aspects of providing sexual services other than prostitution in the four countries mentioned above. The selection of these four countries is not accidental, because they represent four models of regulating the provision of sexual services that currently function in Europe: from full penalisation (Croatia) to full legalisation (the Netherlands). On the other hand, we looked at these alternative forms of commercial sex from the perspective of human trafficking. Answering the key question of this article, we attempted to indicate the situations and elements of sexual services other than prostitution in which the persons providing them may be exposed to sexual abuse or trafficking.
16
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Meandry totalitaryzmu: zmiany w funkcjonowaniu pionu dzielnicowych w Polsce po II wojnie światowej

50%
Lasocik Z.
Ius Novum
|
2012
|
vol. 6
|
issue 3
38-56
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