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EN
As some has attempted to prove, both “titular” disciplines have different origins. They differ in their development trends and, thus, in the contents, scope and place in the system of sciences. However, different paths of development do not preclude them from tackling the same issues, especially considering that historical geography and political geography both refer, the former in a literal sense, to the unique bond between history and geography. Specific topics, that may seem familiar to both disciplines today, were discussed as far back as the 18th century, when political geography was still defining its identity and attempting to become a valid subject of geography. However, in the case of this discipline, its interests shared with its historical counterpart (concerning such issues as heraldry and toponymy) were mostly incidental and marginal. On the other hand, the issue of territorial divisions (nations, regions, borders), described by historians (or historical geographers) as “historical and political landscapes”, was discussed by both geographies since the very beginning. The main difference between the two – geo- -political and geo-historical – approaches was the temporal perspective they assumed. While the present was most important for political geography, historical geography was more concerned with “former territorial divisions” (thus the term “historical and political landscapes” is apt). Each of the disciplines also treated the research subject differently. Political geography considered “the area described by borders and characterised by some organisation, i.e. above all a state” or region as central, while historical geography acknowledged its importance as one of many elements, apart from the transformed (cultural) environment, settlement, elementary disasters, formed communication network, the history of geographical horizons, toponymy and historical cartography, while referring it, as mentioned earlier, the reconstructed image of the past. With the development of the methodological foundations of both sciences, the belief that “what is today includes what was yesterday, so in order to understand the presence, we have to study the past” grew. This reflection was aided by the deepening relations between historical geography and anthropogeography, which influenced not only the expansion of tasks of the former, but also lead to the inclusion of the “historical element” in the scope of geo-political discussion. Reaching into the past to reveal spatial differences and similarities of a political nature, more and more boldly practised by political geography, was also caused by the references to human history (human “fate”) construed in the spirit of mechanistic determinism, as well as the changes in the political map of the world at the break of 19th and 20th centuries. As their eyewitness, political geography could not close itself in a narrow, quickly dating formula of the present. The explanation of interrelations between political entities and their physical-geographical surrounding attempted at the time required constant references to the historical context. The contemporary political map was quickly becoming, if we can paraphrase Barbag, a strictly historical map. The practice of reaching into the past to interpret contemporary phenomena and political systems caused the historical context to become an immanent element of political geography. The discipline was becoming more and more bold in interpreting the political map and the territorial characteristics of political formation and development of states and regions, not only in the presence, but also in the future. This research field saw the formation – in reference to the bond between history and geography – of a unique relationship between historical geography and political geography. Significantly, by exposing the past, political geography sometimes lost view of the presence, i.e. the element that defined its existence and distinguished it from historical geography. Thus, we can say that M. Kulesza (2009) was right when he observed, as mentioned above, that the development of political geography after World War II and, especially in the 1990s, resulted in the “internal” expansion and the emergence of new research fields, which was caused by, among other things, taking some of them from historical geography.
PL
W artykule dokonano uzasadnienia tytułowego powiązania geografii politycznej i historycznej. W tym celu przeprowadzono analizę relacji między obiema dyscyplinami, podejmującą kwestie ich genezy, kierunków rozwojowych, treści, zakresu i miejsca w systemie nauk, a także ustanowienia ram organizacyjnych dla rozwoju tych dyscyplin w łódzkim ośrodku geograficznym.
EN
It has been more than 70 years since Łódź was a multi-ethnic city. But the traces of those days still remain. The characterised objects remind Łódź as it used to be when it was formed by different nations, including Protestants of German descent, who determined its dynamic development, especially after 1914. Today, the most evocative and clear trace of the presence of a multi-ethnic and religiously diverse community are the architectural monuments. They have survived almost intact, except for Jewish temples, which were completely destroyed in 1939–1945. Church buildings, tenement houses, mansions and factories were allowed to arise, as this what the erstwhile Lodzermenschen of different nations and religions wanted. The architecture of Łódź of the 19th and early 20th century shows changing styles, fashions and tendencies, which came here from the artistic centres all over the continent. In the buildings constructed then, we can see an obvious cosmopolitanism, but also unavoidable provincialism. The local bourgeoisie, and the architects they employed, knew and admired the buildings of St. Petersburg, Berlin, Vienna and Wrocław, as well as of the nearby Warsaw. Therefore, they were built according to what was fashionable at the time,what the sponsors liked and what was worth building to make Łódź a fully European city.
PL
Łódź jest miastem, na którego rozwój istotny, a w wielu przypadkach wręcz decydujący, mieli wpływ – obok Polaków – przedstawiciele innych narodowości, religii i kultur. To oni w znacznym stopniu określili specyficzne oblicze miasta. Ważne miejsce w tym procesie zajmowali łódzcy protestanci, głównie niemieckiego pochodzenia, którzy stanowili najbardziej ekspansywny żywioł w rozwijającym się mieście fabrycznym – społeczność najbardziej zorganizowaną, posiadającą własne sprawnie działające instytucje i organizacje oraz prężne ciała społeczne. Musiało to pozostawić ślady we współczesnym krajobrazie miasta. Powszechnie znana jest kariera XIX- -wiecznej Łodzi wyrosłej na dynamicznie rozwijającym się przemyśle włókienniczym. Mniej natomiast powszechna jest wiedza o jej obliczu urbanistyczno-architektonicznym oraz o ludziach, którzy je stworzyli i którzy pragnęli, by było ono piękne, wyjątkowe i jedyne w swoim wyrazie. By było „ziemią obiecaną” i „domem rodzinnym”, z którym się utożsamiali.
PL
Dynamiczny rozwój literatury światowej z zakresu morfologii miast skłania do refleksji nad stanem i kondycją rodzimych badań morfologicznych oraz motywuje do poszerzania spektrum problemów badawczych podejmowanych przez badaczy w Polsce. W związku z powyższym, celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie nowej na gruncie polskim idei w morfologii miast, jaką jest podmiotowe sprawstwo (agency) oraz zwrócenie uwagi na rolę podmiotów sprawczych (agents of change) jako animatorów/ inicjatorów zmian morfologicznych w przestrzeni miejskiej.
EN
The dynamic development of the urban morphology in the world encourages reflection on the state and condition of the indigenous morphological studies and provokes to broadening the spectrum of research problems undertaken by Polish morphologists. Therefore, the aim of the article is to present new idea in urban morphology, namely the idea of agency and to draw attention to the role of agents of change, as animators/initiators of morphological changes in urban space. The concept of agency, borrowed from sociology to the studies on the structure of cities and its transformations, presents the city as a stage on which subsequent actors/decision makers (owners, architects, developers, planners and others), by playing their roles, transform the urban fabric. Analysis of their activities enables comprehensive understanding of the processes of transformation of urban structures, both in contemporary and historical context. It goes beyond simple descriptive analysis of their evolution and the growth that often suggest the specific self-regulation of urban structures. It also goes well beyond a simple architectural description, which indicates agency only indirectly, through the presentation of the complex nature of urban structures, but often without a clear analysis of personalized information about agents of change. The researches on agency in the urban morphology, successfully undertaken since the 80s of last century, mainly on the grounds of the British school of morphology, currently experience a strong interest in the global studies on cities. They allow the gradation of agents of change in terms of their impact on the structural transformations of cities (and their fragments), both in relation to the present and past; they indicate changes of agents of change in different historical periods, both in terms of their number and provenance; they present the results of their activities in urban space.
PL
Od początku istnienia Katedry Geografii Politycznej i Studiów Regionalnych prowadzone są w niej studia nad stworzeniem „Atlasu przemian politycznych na świecie w XX wieku”, rozszerzone w ostatnich latach również na pierwsze dekady wieku XXI. Zgromadzone doświadczenie pozwala dokonać przeglądu przyjętej metodyki oraz omówić trudności i bariery z nią związane, występujące w toku zarówno gromadzenia materiału faktograficznego, jak i jego przetworzenia i prezentacji, tak w postaci tekstowej, jak i kartograficznej. W artykule, na podstawie własnych doświadczeń empirycznych, omówiono niektóre aspekty procesu przeprowadzania kwerend faktograficznych, krytycznej oceny wartości pozyskanych informacji, wiarygodności źródeł, trudności związanych z obowiązującymi w różnych częściach świata systemami pomiaru powierzchni oraz odmiennymi sposobami rachuby czasu (kalendarzami). Podjęto analizę rangi dokumentów uchwalanych w tej samej sprawie przez różne instytucje sprawcze, przy uwzględnieniu odmienności ustrojowych w poszczególnych państwach i okresach historycznych. Dokonano krytycznej analizy dostępnych źródeł, ukazując zarazem zmienność dostępności do nich wynikającą z postępu cywilizacyjnego, który nastąpił od czasu podjęcia badań nad „Atlasem” w końcu lat 70. XX wieku. Odniesiono się także do kwestii związanych z procesem prezentacji kartograficznej zmian politycznych w całej ich złożoności, podejmując krytykę niektórych już wydanych atlasów historycznych i wskazując na dobre i złe metody przedstawiania zjawisk na mapie, które mogą być zastosowane w przyszłej publikacji opracowywanego „Atlasu”. Czas, który upłynął od podjęcia studiów nad Atlasem, przyniósł w tej dziedzinie wiele nowoczesnych rozwiązań, które można dziś z powodzeniem zastosować, łącznie z rezygnacją z tradycyjnej drukowanej formy edycji i zastosowaniem formy elektronicznej, w której możliwa jest do uzyskania ruchomość obrazu. Rozważania zilustrowano konkretnymi przykładami opartymi na uzyskanych już wynikach badań i ich dotychczasowej (jakkolwiek w ograniczonej formie) prezentacji.
EN
Since the very beginning of the Department of Political Geography and Regional Studies the study of the creation of the “Atlas of political changes in the World in the 20th century” are conducted, expanded in recent years, also for the first decade of the 21st c. Accumulated experience allows us to revise the used methodology and the difficulties and barriers related thereto occurring during both the accumulation of factual material and its processing and forms of presentation both in text form and cartographic. The article based on own empirical experience discusses some aspects of the process of performing factual queries, critical appraisal of the value of the obtained information, the reliability of sources, difficulties associated with surface measurement systems existing in different parts of the world and different calendars. Author analyzed the rank of documents enacted in the same case by different institutions taking into account the political differences in individual countries and historical periods. There have been critical analysis of available resources and their variable availability resulting from the progress of civilization, which occurred since starting research on “Atlas” in the late 70s. Issues related to the process of cartographic presentation of political change in all their complexity were discussed, taking criticism already issued some historical atlases and pointing out the good and bad methods of presenting phenomena on the map that can be used in future publications of the “Atlas”.
PL
W artykule podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na pytania, na ile metody przeprowadzenia spisów powszechnych, sformułowania tzw. pytań etnicznych oraz bieżące uwarunkowania polityczne i społeczne mogą kształtować ich wyniki w odniesieniu do struktury narodowościowej. Omówiono spisy ludności przeprowadzone w Polsce w ciągu ostatnich 90 lat, zwracając szczególną uwagę na czynniki, które mogły spowodować wypaczenie ich rezultatów. Skupiono się nie tyle na kolejnym przedstawieniu – powszechnie znanych – wyników w ujęciu ilościowym i przestrzennym, ale na „mechanizmie” przeprowadzenia spisu w kontekście ówczesnych realiów politycznych i społecznych.
EN
This article attempts to answer question on how much the methods of conducting censuses, the formulation of the so-called ”ethnic question” and current political and social conditions can shape their results. The census carried out in Poland over the last 90 years were discussed, paying particular attention to factors that could cause distortion of their results. Censuses in 1921 and 1946 were carried out immediately after the end of armed conflict – in a very dynamic socio-political situation during the post-war migration, not on the entire territory of the country, before the final demarcation of borders, in conditions of very strong nationalist atmosphere and marked reluctance of Polish majority to at least part of national minorities. From the point of view of the state administration the rapid pace of their conduction had justified reasons of political and demographic character, however it did not worked in the case of a reliable determination of the national structure, due to underestimating of the size of national minorities. The census in 1931 was carried out in the realities of a multinational state, strongly conflicted ethnically. On its results influenced both, the change in the method of determining the national structure, direct manipulation and forgery of authorities seeking to underestimation of the number of non-Polish population, as well as the emerging national identity of some residents, especially of eastern regions of the Poland. In 2002, after several years of recess in the studies on ethnic statistics, in the realities of practically mono-ethnic state, the clearly method of question of nationality and direct method of obtaining statistical data were adopted. However the social conditions, and particularly the negative experience of part of the minority against declaring non-Polish nationality, has contributed to an underestimation of its results, what combined with excessive estimates of the then Polish ethnic structure, caused numerous complaints concerning the accuracy of the census. In turn, in 2011, the census was carried out by a very diverse and completely different from all previous ones method. The introduced changes were mainly influenced by the suggestions and requests of national organizations, under what is known as ”political correctness” in the country in which minorities did not play a significant role in demographic or political aspect. The formulation of a questions about nationality, and especially the computation or rather estimation of the ethnic structure – for the first time – clearly overrated, not underrated its results and reduced their credibility. In terms of questions about nationality, none of these censuses were fully reliable, and for quantifying the Polish ethnic structure, the greater importance had rather different statistical methods applied during censuses, and the current state policy against non-Polish population, rather than the subjective feeling of national identity of individual citizens.
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