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The Round Table in 1989 – Consequences and Evaluation

100%
Polak W., Galij-Skarbińska S.
Polish Political Science Yearbook
|
2021
|
issue 3 (50)
149-156
EN
The agreement of the round table signed on April 5, 1989, resulted in the creation of the government of Tadeusz Mazowiecki (September 12, 1989) and the end of communist rule in Poland. However, it should be pointed out that the agreement of the round table is currently often criticized. It is claimed, among other things, that the agreement was a form of “unification of the elite” (the term Jack Kuroń) to obtain financial and political benefits. As a result, the mixed communist-solidarity elite has taken over power in the country, guided solely by their own interests. It is also stressed that the contract has enabled the Communists to retain enormous influence in the special services, state administration, various institutions, the economy, and finance. On the other hand, these irregularities have been attributed to the solidarity elites who consider the round table agreements to be persistent. Other parts of the solidarity elite treated the round table exclusively as tactical action to take power away from the Communists.
2

At the Border of History and (Auto)Biography — Portraying Lech Wałęsa through Text and Experience

88%
Czyżak A.
Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia
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2016
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vol. 5: Special Issue, vol. I: THE TROPICS OF RESISTANCE: Languages, genres, rhetoric
121-129
EN
The article ana­lyzes selected works by Janusz Głowacki which were created in various moments of his life, and thus in different historical conditions. A narrative on the Polish August written in the 1980s, the later autobio­graphical writings about his émigré experience and the account of the work on the script for the film on Lech Wałęsa all have features of an autobiographical confession, being at the same time the testimony of changes in the Polish identity at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries. But most of all they remain a challenge — an ironical critique of national stereotypes and community myths. The article attempts to trace conditions which determined the changes in perceiving recent Polish history and its role in shaping individual and collective identities.
3
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Did Totalitarian Experience Shape Democratic Norms? Struggle for the Independence of the Polish Judiciary and its Results: Conclusions from Talks with Professor Adam Strzembosz

75%
Zakroczymski S.
Studia Iuridica
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2019
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vol. 80
421-438
EN
This paper is a confrontation of the statements made by eminent Polish Professor of Law, Adam Strzembosz, in the interview published in the form of a book Między prawem i sprawiedliwością, with the views presented in the legal, historical, and sociological literature. I describe the ways judicial independence was limited in Communist Poland, and the strategies judges undertook to counteract that phenomenon. Special emphasis is put on the attitude of the “Solidarity” movement towards this problem and the judge’s behavior under Martial Law. In conclusion, I try to prove that the post-totalitarian trauma in Polish judiciary provoked an “over-sensitivity” in regard to the judicial independence.
4
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From Sociological Vacuum to Horror Vacui: How Stefan Nowak’s Thesis Is Used in Analyses of Polish Society

75%
Pawlak M.
Polish Sociological Review
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2015
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vol. 189
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issue 1
5-28
EN
In the late 1970s, Stefan Nowak posited the existence of a sociological vacuum in Poland, and his concept became one of the most widely employed in studies of this society. The author of the present article uses an inventory of publications citing Nowak’s perspective to analyse the manner in which this key concept has been implemented in sociological explanations. According to his findings, the idea appears to be most often used in accounts of the 1980s “Solidarność” movement, in reference to civil society and social capital, and in treatments of democracy in Poland. The validity of Nowak’s idea is not usually questioned, and scholars referring to his thesis frequently modify the initial argument by shifting its meaning and ignoring its national identity element. Furthermore, in the analyzed works, the authors point to a sociological vacuum as an obstacle to the desired development of civil society, social capital, and democracy in Poland. This is usually done without deeper theoretical or empirical discussion, and in an essayistic and dramatized fashion. Such an anxiety about the lack of necessary ingredients in Polish society is described as horror vacui-i.e., fear of empty space.
5

Utopian visions of solidarity in Polish cinema

63%
Przylipiak M.
Beyond Philology: An International Journal of Linguistics, Literary Studies and English Language Teaching
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2017
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issue 14/4
141-165
EN
The “Solidarity” movement, especially in the first period of its activity, that is, in the years 1980-1981, instigated numerous myths. Polish cinema contributed immensely to their creation and proliferation. The most important among those myths were: the myth of solidarity between all working people, the myth of solidarity between the genders, and – perhaps the most lasting of all – the myth of the alliance between workers and intellectuals. All these forms of solidarity really existed for a short period of time in 1980/1981, but each of them collapsed afterwards. Consequently, one can say that they bore the marks of beautiful utopias which in the long run were doomed to failure.
PL
Ruch „Solidarności”, zwłaszcza w pierwszym okresie jego działalności (1980-1981), dostarczył wielu mitów, w rozpowszechnianiu których aktywnie uczestniczyło polskie kino. Najważniejsze z nich to mit solidarności wszystkich ludzi pracy, mit solidarności ponad podziałami płciowymi, a także może najtrwalszy z nich wszystkich mit sojuszu robotników z inteligentami. Każda z tych form solidarności rzeczywiście istniała w krótkim okresie „pierwszej Solidarności”, każda załamała się w okresie późniejszym. W tym sensie wszystkie nosiły znamiona pięknych utopii, które na dłuższą metę musiały przegrać z realiami życia.
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