Search results

1

Mikołaj Grynberg, Księga wyjścia, Czarne, Wołowiec 2018, s. 416

100%

Żurek S. J.

pl.it / rassegna italiana di argomenti polacchi

|

2018

|

issue 9

239-247

2

Porażka Nowej Lewicy

80%

Marcuse H., Pluciński P.

Nowa Krytyka

|

2012

|

issue 29

7-18

EN

Article addresses the problem of legacy of the New Left and its "failure". It addresses questions about strategic mistakes committed by non-institutionalized, left-wing activists of the sixties and systemic repressions to their actions. It finally renews hope for the rebirth of the struggle for a more just world.

3

Wiersze „suchego pogromu” – Marzec ’68 w poezji polskiej (rekonesans) [The poetry of the “dry pogrom” - March 1968 in Polish poetry (a reconnaissance)]

80%

Kuczyńska-Koschany K.

Studia Litteraria et Historica

|

2017

|

issue 6

EN

The poetry of the “dry pogrom” - March 1968 in Polish poetry (a reconnaissance)The paper construes the distinctive character of March 1968 against the classical definitions of pogroms; hence the selection of Adam Michnik’s phrase “dry pogrom.” It analyzes direct responses to the events, using examples of Aesopian language (Artur Międzyrzecki) and satire (Janusz Szpotański, Natan Tenenbaum), as well as other reactions (Jerzy Ficowski, Aleksander Rymkiewicz). Further, it is concerned with poems from artists affected – to a larger or smaller extent – by the dry pogrom, such as Arnold Słucki. Views from afar – including Kazimierz Wierzyński’s Izrael [Israel] and Jacek Bierezin’s Wygnańcy [Exiles] – have also been analyzed. Michał Głowiński’s formula of “March talk” has been used to interpret the poetics of the poetry about March 1968, with reference to Orwellian Newspeak and Klemperer’s LTI. Finally, in the conclusion, a question is posed of whether the poems of the dry pogrom are a “poetry of dry despair,” a term used by Julia Hartwig to describe Paul Celan’s poems, as they speak about impossible liquids – blood and tears. Wiersze „suchego pogromu” – Marzec ’68 w poezji polskiej (rekonesans)W tekście referuję odrębność pogromu marcowego wobec klasycznych definicji pogromu: dlatego wybieram formułę Adama Michnika „suchy pogrom”. Zajmuję się reakcjami bezpośrednimi; są to przykłady języka „ezopowego” (Artur Międzyrzecki), satyry (Janusz Szpotański, Natan Tenenbaum) i inne (Jerzy Ficowski, Aleksander Rymkiewicz). Interesują mnie także wiersze dotkniętych – w szerszym i węższym sensie – „suchym pogromem” (jak Arnold Słucki). Analizuję widzenie z oddali (np. Kazimierz Wierzyń- ski, Izrael; Jacek Bierezin, Wygnańcy). Wykorzystuję formułę „marcowego gadania” Michała Głowińskiego wobec poetyki wierszy o Marcu ’68 (tu odniesienia do Orwellowskiej nowomowy oraz Klempererowskiej LTI). W zakończeniu pytam, czy wiersze „suchego pogromu” to „poezja suchej rozpaczy” (formuła Julii Hartwig użyta wobec poezji Paula Celana) – o cieczach niemożliwych: krwi i łzach.

4

THE NEW (ATHEIST) WOMAN: A LEGACY OF THE 1960S CULTURAL REVOLUTION?

80%

Eccles J.

Society Register

|

2017

|

vol. 1

|

issue 1

51-66

EN

It is undoubtedly true that a number of British women turned their back on religion, from the beginning of the period of the cultural revolution of the 1960s and onwards. To what might we attribute these defections and the taking up of a new nonreligious identity? Was it the change in sexual mores and the rise of second wave feminism, the increase in women entering higher education opening up new worldviews to them or increasing affluence? This article examines a variety of factors through the eyes of self-identified women atheists/humanists most of whom have lived through that period. It notes that, while these factors may well be significant to different degrees for different women, the turn to atheism, specifically, results largely from women having been damaged by religion and the deep emotional impact thus left behind. The turn to atheism is not a uniform experience as the women are enmeshed in differing types of ‘emotional regime’ which affects how they respond.

5

Angelo Maria Ripellino a rok 1968

71%

Pelán J.

Svět literatury – Časopis pro novodobé literatury (World of Literature – Journal for Modern Literatures)

|

2019

|

vol. 60

131-137

EN

The author examines an articles written by the Italian Bohemist Angelo Maria Ripellino during the period from 1963 to 1973 for the Italian magazine L’Espresso, in which he reported on Prague cultural and political events, and asks to what extent his renowned essay Praga magica is conditioned by the trauma of “1968”.

6

Prymas Stefan Wyszyński wobec rzeczywistości społeczno-politycznej PRL w 1968 r.

71%

Łatka R.

Saeculum Christianum. Pismo Historyczne

|

2022

|

vol. 29

|

issue 1

241-257

EN

The text comprehensively introduces the approach of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński to the social and political reality of the Polish People's Republic in 1968. Three planes of Primate's activity were discussed: social teaching, his attitude towards political events and the most important problems of the state-Church relations. The analysis was based on primary sources in the form of the hierarch's statements: in public, during Episcopal sessions and on the pages of his diary Pro memoria.

PL

Tekst w całościowy sposób przybliża podejście kard. Stefana Wyszyńskiego do rzeczywistości społeczno-politycznej PRL w 1968 r. Omówiono trzy płaszczyzny aktywności prymasa: nauczanie społeczne, stosunek do wydarzeń politycznych oraz do najważniejszych problemów z zakresu relacji państwo–Kościół. Analizę oparto na źródłach pierwotnych w postaci wypowiedzi hierarchy: publicznych, w czasie obrad Episkopatu i na kartach dziennika Pro memoria.

7

VIEWS OF SLOVAK ECONOMISTS ON THE ECONOMIC POSITION OF SLOVAKIA AT THE TURN OF THE YEARS 1967/1968

70%

Londák M.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

|

2008

|

vol. 56

|

issue suppl. issue

93 – 110

EN

The author concerned himself with the views of Slovak economists at the end of 1967 and in the first half of 1968 on the problem of the position of the Slovak economy in the economic unit of the whole state. The freer political atmosphere enabled criticism of the course of economic reforms up to then and pointed to various problems accompanying the development of the Slovak economy during the era of “building socialism”. In the course of spring 1968 this problem acquired importance in connection with the overall solution of the Slovak national question in this period, and came into the foreground especially in connection with the preparations to federalize the state. The study also points to the variety of views of Slovak and Czech economists on the problem of the economic content of the federation. The quantity of new ideas from Slovak economists produced during the spring of 1968 also shows their preparedness to solve problems on a new level.

8

ALEXANDER DUBČEK A EURÓPA

70%

Laluha I.

Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy

|

2008

|

vol. 1

|

issue 1

115 – 128

EN

As a result of the economic lagging of the country compared to Western Europe in the 1960s, even before our inclusion in the sphere of influence of the Soviet UNion, Alexander Dubček gradually became aware of the need to overcome the country´s isolation and establish economic cooperation. The year 1968 showed our adherence to European values. Following the suppression of the reformist movement, Dubček´s European orientation became the more salient; even in the period of political isolation and persecution in the 1980s he put forward the notion of „a common European house“, where he also incorporated the countries of Central Europe, understanding it as an expression of the system of common cultural values of the netions of Europe. Extensive diplomatic activity of Alexander Dubček during his term in office as a President of the Federal Assembly in 1990-1992 helped open the door to Europe and its institutions. Dubček´s Europeanism formed gradually, presenting a process of active overcoming of totalitarianism and an expression of the vision of new Europe on the principles of democracy, solidarity and equality of nations. It has become part of humanitarian traditions of European politics. Alexander Dubček was one of those Slovak politicians who, like Štefánik, Hodža or Clementis, saw a guarantee of security and prosperity of his country in different models of a cooperating and integrating Europe. The first steps of the emerging Slovak statehood (autumn 1992) followed on from his initiative and demonstrated the interest of the Slovak Republic in the European structures and the country´s readiness to participate in their activities.

9

Revoluce proti sob ě sam ým IV. sjezd Svazu československých spisovatelů 27.–29. června 1967, projevy a debaty v trojúhelníku spisovatelé, národ a moc

70%

Vörös I.

Slavia Occidentalis

|

2013

|

issue 70/2

157-165

PL

1968 is a very controversial date these days. I start my research about 1968, by looking at 1967 first. Why? Because this congress was almost an exact projection of what happened during the Prague Spring, however, more was said there. The writers there were discussing the big questions, about a whole country and the destiny of a nation. Therefore, the importance of Kundera’s speech is quite significant. Havel, Vaculík, Ivan Klíma all gave politically important speeches. Regarding poetic power, Jan Skácel seemed especially strong. Even though Hrabal was not present, we have to give him some credit as well. Not only the positive, but also the negativeside of 1968 was predicted. Mainly the Communist Party’s attempt to intervene. The Czech Spring of 1968 wasnot a student-movement, but a struggle by middle-aged and mature intellectuals, mostly against what they hadinstigated in their youth. So this was an exceptionally self-critical revolution.

10

L’Imagination au pouvoir: historia sztuki w czasach kryzysu lat 60./70

61%

Turowski A.

Artium Quaestiones

|

2019

|

issue 30

399-413

PL

The present paper is reminiscence and an attempt to reconstruct the intellectual heritage of art history as it was practiced at the University of Poznań in the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s in the context of new developments in cultural theory and changing research interests. Besides, it includes the author’s account of his own academic work in that period, began in the 1960s and inspired in particular by the year 1968 that brought a social crisis and a cultural revolution, as well as introduced the element of imagination into academic knowledge and critical thought. The author draws a wide panorama of intellectual stimuli which contributed to an epistemic and methodological turn, first in his own scholarly work and then in the work of some other art historians in Poznań. Those turns opened art history at the University of Poznań to critical reading of artistic practices approached in relation to other social practices and subjects of power. As a result, four key problems were addressed: (1) the position of contemporary art in research and teaching, (2) the necessity to combine detailed historical studies with critical theoretical reflection, (3) the questioning of genre boundaries and ontological statuses of the objects of study and the semantic frames of the work of art, and finally, in connection to the rise of an interdisciplinary perspective, (4) the subversion of the boundaries and identity of art history as an academic discipline. Then the author reconstructs the theoretical background of the “new art history” that emerged some time later, drawing from the writings of Walter Benjamin, the French structuralism, Theodor Adorno’s aesthetic theory, and Louis Althusser’s interpretation of the concept of ideology. Another important problematic was the avant-garde art of Poland and other East-Central European countries, studiedin terms of artistic geography and the relations between the center and periphery. The conclusion of the paper presents a framework marked with the names of Aby Warburg and Max Dvořák, which connected the tradition of art history with new developments, took under consideration the seminal element of crisis, and allowed art historians to address a complex network of relations among the artist’s studio, the curator’s practice, the scholar’s study, and the university seminar, as well as the West, the Center, and the East. At last, the author remembers the revolutionary, rebellious spirit and the lesson of imagination that the Poznań art history took from March and May, 1968.

11

1 Batalion Szturmowy podczas przygotowań i interwencji w Czechosłowacji w 1968 r.

61%

Szewczyk R.

Przegląd Historyczno-Wojskowy

|

2019

|

vol. XX (LXXI)

|

issue 3 (269)

158-179

EN

The intervention of the troops of five Warsaw Pact member states in Czechoslovakia in August 1968 suppressed the “Prague Spring” – a period of political liberalization. The 1st Assault Battalion was among the Polish 2nd Army units participating in operation “Danube”. The unit dealing with distant reconnaissance and diversion was split up for the duration of its activities in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, and it was given new tasks, too. One form of resistance of the inhabitants of Czechoslovakia were independent programs broadcast by radio stations, often belonging to the local army. This kind of propaganda was a surprise and a serious problem for the occupying forces. Attempts were made to locate and neutralize the transmitters. The soldiers of the 1st Assault Battalion joined these activities. In the Military Archive in Oleśnica, documentation has been preserved that was put together in this unit during its operation in Czechoslovakia in 1968. It constitutes a valuable source of information about the unit’s activities during the intervention of Warsaw Pact troops in that country.

RU

Введение войск пяти стран-участниц Варшавского договора в Чехословакию в августе 1968 года задушило Пражскую весну – период политической либерализации. Среди подразделений 2-й польской армии, участвовавших в операции „Дунай”, был и 1-й штурмовой батальон. Подразделение, занимающееся дистанционной разведкой и диверсией на время операций в ЧССР, было разделено; кроме того, ему были поставлены новые задачи. Одной из форм сопротивления жителей Чехословакии были независимые передачи по радиостанциям, зачастую принадлежащим местной армии. Эта форма пропаганды для оккупационных сил была серьезной проблемой, появления которой они не ожидали. В связи с этим были предприняты попытки найти и нейтрализовать передатчики. К этим действиям присоединились и солдаты 1-го штурмового батальона. В военном архиве г. Олесница сохранилась документация, составленная в этом подразделении во время операций в Чехословакии в 1968 году. Эти документы являются ценными источниками информации о действиях этого подразделения во время вмешательства войск Варшавского договора в этой стране.

PL

Interwencja wojsk pięciu krajów-członków Układu Warszawskiego w Czechosłowacji w sierpniu 1968 r. zdławiła „praską wiosnę” – okres politycznej liberalizacji. Wśród jednostek polskiej 2 Armii biorących udział w operacji „Dunaj” znajdował się 1 Batalion Szturmowy. Oddział zajmujący się dalekim rozpoznaniem i dywersją na czas działań w ČSSR został rozdzielony, postawiono mu także nowe zadania. Jedną z form oporu mieszkańców Czechosłowacji były niezależne audycje nadawane przez radiostacje, często należące do tamtejszej armii. Taka forma propagandy była zaskoczeniem i stanowiła poważny problem dla sił okupacyjnych. Podjęto więc próby lokalizacji i unieszkodliwiania nadajników. Do działań tych włączyli się żołnierze 1 Batalionu Szturmowego. W zasobie Archiwum Wojskowego w Oleśnicy zachowała się dokumentacja sporządzona w tej jednostce podczas działań w Czechosłowacji w 1968 r. Stanowi ona cenne źródło informacji o działaniach tego oddziału w trakcie interwencji wojsk Układu Warszawskiego w tym kraju.

12

The Case for a Native American 1968 and Its Transnational Legacy

61%

Tóth G.

Review of International American Studies

|

2019

|

vol. 12

|

issue 2

49-70

EN

Partly as a result of compartmentalized academic specializations and history teaching, in accounts of the global upheavals of 1968, Native Americans are either not mentioned, or at best are tagged on as an afterthought. “Was there a Native American 1968?” is the central question this article aims to answer. Native American activism in the 1960s was no less flashy, dramatic or confrontational than the protests by the era’s other struggles – it is simply overshadowed by later actions of the movement. Using approaches from Transnational American Studies and the history of social movements, this article argues that American Indians had a “long 1968” that originated in Native America’s responses to the US government’s Termination policy in the 1950s, and stretched from their ‘training’ period in the 1960s, through their dramatic protests from the late 1960s through the 1970s, all the way to their participation at the United Nations from 1977 through the rest of the Cold War. While their radicalism and protest strategies made Native American activism a part of the US domestic social movements of the long 1960s, the nature of American Indian sovereignty rights and transnationalism place the Native American long 1968 on the rights spectrum further away from civil rights, and closer to a national liberation struggle-which links American Indian activism to the decolonization movements of the Cold War.

13

1968 as a Symbol

61%

Kozák K.

Review of International American Studies

|

2019

|

vol. 12

|

issue 2

25-26

EN

The year 1968 keeps capturing collective imagination on both sides of the Atlantic, as it serves as a convenient shortcut for social developments and upheavals throughout the 1960s. Even though in every country the events of 1968 unfolded differently, dramatic street protests demanding profound social changes define the dominant memory of this year on global scale. Violent suppression of street protesters by security forces form the dominant images of that year all around the globe, even if targets of the popular discontent were quite diverse. The year 1968 can also be seen as the pinnacle of idealistic efforts for progressive social change, which was replaced by normalization efforts induced by various methods in different contexts throughout the 1970s. As such, it is connected with feelings of nostalgia and lost opportunities especially for those who consider themselves to be progressives. But to what extent were the events of 1968 truly seminal? What were their lasting legacies?

14

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ СИСТЕМИ РОБОТИ ВИЩОЇ ПЕДАГОГІЧНОЇ ОСВІТИ ІТАЛІЇ У ДРУГІЙ ПОЛОВИНІ ХХ СТОЛІТТЯ

61%

Нелін Є.

Педагогічні науки: теорія, історія, інноваційні технології

|

2015

|

issue 3(47)

113-124

EN

The Pecularities of the System of the Higher Pedagogical Education in Italy in the Second Half of the XX-th Century After the adoption of the law on the liberalization of entry into universities in the country there has been taken a decision on the degree of PhD (Dottorato di ricerca, 382/80), embarked on the development of inclusive and innovative education. At the beginning of the 1990-s due to the instability in the economy and political circles, higher education has lagged behind Italy’s most dynamic educational system: the UK, the USA, Germany, France and others. The country wallowed in corruption and political scandals that led to the collapse of the First Italian Republic (1948-1994), but the rich history of higher education and prestige of Italy on the international stage contributed to the development of international education programs and the signing of the Bologna Declaration in 1999.

15

ÚLOHA JOZEFA LENÁRTA V ROKU 1968

61%

Pavlovič R.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

|

2012

|

vol. 60

|

issue 4

641 – 671

EN

The study is concerned with the political activities of Jozef Lenárt, Czechoslovak premier and member of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Analysis of his relations with Antonín Novotný and Alexander Dubček serves as a starting point. Lenárt’s televised speech from March 1968, when he strove to explain his actions in January 1968, is considered. From May 1968, Lenárt inclined to the Soviet vision of political developments in Czechoslovakia. The paper analyses Lenárt’s activities after 21 August 1968 with the conclusion that by gradually changing his political orientation he secured the continuation of his political career.

16

August 1968 v politicko-ideologických heslách na stránkach dennej tlače

61%

Molnárová P.

Acta historica Neosoliensia Vedecký časopis pre historické vedy

|

2021

|

vol. 24

|

issue 1

52-69

EN

The interdisciplinary oriented paper connects the linguistic, literary and media components against the background of the historical context. The study deals with political and ideological slogans published in the daily paper in 1968. It is structured into a theoretical part, which presents the basic terminological and contextual background, the function and meaning of political-ideological slogans in the press of the Communist party.The slogan is perceived here as a linguistic-communicative part of a specific language of the period of socialism, which was formed in an ideologically motivated space. On the other hand, the analysis focuses on the intertextual aspects of slogans and the basic motivic areas captured in it. The aim of the study is to reflect the events associated with the invasion of Warsaw Pact troops into Czechoslovakia through the intertextuality of slogans published from August 21 to September 21, 1968 in five Slovak dailies with national and regional validity.The analysis focuses on the intertextual motives of slogans and the basic motivic components from the field of politics, literature, culture or contemporary ideology captured in it.

17

L’Imagination au pouvoir: Art History in the Times of Crisis, 1960s – 1970s

61%

Turowski A.

Artium Quaestiones

|

2019

|

issue 30

243-256

EN

The present paper is reminiscence and an attempt to reconstruct the intellectual heritage of art history as it was practiced at the University of Poznań in the late 1960s and throughout the 1970s in the context of new developments in cultural theory and changing research interests. Besides, it includes the author’s account of his own academic work in that period, began in the 1960s and inspired in particular by the year 1968 that brought a social crisis and a cultural revolution, as well as introduced the element of imagination into academic knowledge and critical thought. The author draws a wide panorama of intellectual stimuli which contributed to an epistemic and methodological turn, first in his own scholarly work and then in the work of some other art historians in Poznań. Those turns opened art history at the University of Poznań to critical reading of artistic practices approached in relation to other social practices and subjects of power. As a result, four key problems were addressed: (1) the position of contemporary art in research and teaching, (2) the necessity to combine detailed historical studies with critical theoretical reflection, (3) the questioning of genre boundaries and ontological statuses of the objects of study and the semantic frames of the work of art, and finally, in connection to the rise of an interdisciplinary perspective, (4) the subversion of the boundaries and identity of art history as an academic discipline. Then the author reconstructs the theoretical background of the “new art history” that emerged some time later, drawing from the writings of Walter Benjamin, the French structuralism, Theodor Adorno’s aesthetic theory, and Louis Althusser’s interpretation of the concept of ideology. Another important problematic was the avant-garde art of Poland and other East-Central European countries, studied in terms of artistic geography and the relations between the center and periphery. The conclusion of the paper presents a framework marked with the names of Aby Warburg and Max Dvořák, which connected the tradition of art history with new developments, took under consideration the seminal element of crisis, and allowed art historians to address a complex network of relations among the artist’s studio, the curator’s practice, the scholar’s study, and the university seminar, as well as the West, the Center, and the East. At last, the author remembers the revolutionary, rebellious spirit and the lesson of imagination that the Poznań art history took from March and May, 1968.

18

„To nie jest kwestia wyboru”. Z Aleksandrem Smolarem rozmawia Konrad Matyjaszek [“It’s not a matter of choice.” Aleksander Smolar interviewed by Konrad Matyjaszek]

61%

Matyjaszek K.

Studia Litteraria et Historica

|

2018

|

issue 7

EN

“It’s not a matter of choice.” Aleksander Smolar interviewed by Konrad MatyjaszekKonrad Matyjaszek’s interview with Aleksander Smolar focuses on the contemporary Polish intelligentsia, identified as a social group and a social milieu, and on this group’s self-image produced in relation to antisemitism, understood here both as a set of violence-based public activities and practices, and as an excluding prejudice that constitutes a component of the Polish culture. Aleksander Smolar discusses the history of Aneks, the Polish-language émigré socio-cultural journal, whose editor-in-chief he remained during the entire time of its activity (1973–1990). He talks about the political conditions and forms of pressure directed at the Aneks’s editorial board, composed in majority of persons forced to emigrate from Poland during the antisemitic campaign of March 1968, he also mentions the post-1968 shift of the Polish sphere of culture towards the political right and conservatism, and the rapprochement between the left-wing opposition circles and the organizations associated with the Catholic Church that was initiated in the 1970s. He also recounts reactions to the political changes expressed by his father, Grzegorz Smolar, a communist activist and an activist of the Jewish community in Poland. Afterwards, Smolar discusses the context of creation of his 1986 essay Taboo and innocence [Tabu i niewinność] and analyses the reasons for which the majority of the Polish intelligentsia chose not to undertake cultural critique directed against the antisemitic components of the Polish culture. „To nie jest kwestia wyboru”. Z Aleksandrem Smolarem rozmawia Konrad MatyjaszekPrzedmiotem rozmowy Konrada Matyjaszka z Aleksandrem Smolarem jest obraz własny współczesnej inteligencji polskiej jako grupy społecznej i środowiska, wytwarzany w odniesieniu do antysemityzmu, rozumianego zarówno jako zespół publicznych działań i praktyk przemocowych, jak również jako wykluczające uprzedzenie stanowiące element polskiej kultury. Aleksander Smolar opowiada o historii emigracyjnego czasopisma społeczno-kulturalnego „Aneks”, którego redaktorem naczelnym był przez cały czas istnienia pisma w latach 1973–1990. Mówi o uwarunkowaniach i presji, jakiej poddawana była redakcja „Aneksu”, składająca się w większości z osób zmuszonych do emigracji podczas antysemickiej kampanii Marca 1968 roku; o połączonym z kampanią marcową przesunięciu polskiego obiegu kultury w stronę prawicy i konserwatyzmu; o podjętym w latach siedemdziesiątych zbliżeniu środowisk lewicowej opozycji ze stowarzyszeniami powiązanymi z Kościołem katolickim. Aleksander Smolar relacjonuje reakcje na zachodzące przemiany polityczne, jakie dostrzegał u swojego ojca, działacza komunistycznego i zarazem działacza społeczności żydowskiej w Polsce, Grzegorza Smolara; opowiada też o kontekście powstania eseju swojego autorstwa Tabu i niewinność oraz o przyczynach, dla których przedstawiciele polskiej inteligencji nie decydowali się na pełne podjęcie krytyki antysemickich elementów kultury polskiej.

19

Rozrachunek z pokoleniem ’68 w tekstach autorów generacji ’85

61%

Stefański M.

Przegląd Zachodni

|

2019

|

issue 1(370)

163-179

EN

The objective of the paper is analysis of the phenomenon of settling scores with the West German generation of ‘68 based on selected literary, (auto)biographical and essayistic texts of the authors belonging to the generation of their children, so called generation of ‘85. The article also aims to examine the process of building generational identity. The main fields of settling scores are: new concepts of family, anti-authoritarian education, sexual revolution, ideology, the past and politics. Apart from mostly negative there are also some ambiguous and ambivalent evaluations in which the generation of ‘68 is not only criticized, but also admired and envied. Text analysis shows the multidimensionality of the problem of settling scores with the generation of ‘68 and leads to the conclusion that through confrontation with the generation of their parents, the authors of the generation of ‘85 try to determine their own value system and to create their own generational identity. With its strong identity, the generation of ‘68 is a contrast plane for the generation of ‘85 that allows their self-definition. The research perspective presented in this paper refers to the field of generational research (Generationenforschung) and is based on the methods of close reading, which focuses on the immanent text analysis and wide reading, which is oriented towards analysis of the historical and cultural aspects represented in the texts.

20

Pozostał w kontrze. Leopold T yrmand wobec ruchów kontestacyjnych w USA na kartach Dzienników Stefana Kisielewskiego

61%

Wolski M.

|

2022

|

vol. 40

|

issue 2

128-150

PL

Artykuł przedstawia – w świetle Dziennikow Stefana Kisielewskiego z lat 1968–1970 – sylwetkę Leopolda Tyrmanda jako wroga ruchow kontestacyjnych w Stanach Zjednoczonych. Na przełomie 1968 i 1969 r. Tyrmand był wykładowcą na Columbia University. Sprzeciwiał się wowczas tym poglądom młodzieży amerykańskiej, które uważał za neomarksistowskie i maoistyczne. Analiza historycznego kontekstu amerykańskiej publicystyki Tyrmanda z lat 1968–1970 ukazuje jego nieprzejednany stosunek do ruchu Nowej Lewicy oraz sowieckiego i chińskiego komunizmu. Fala protestow z 1968 r. spotkała się z krytyką pisarza. Stefan Kisielewski w swych Dziennikach nawiązuje także do konserwatyzmu Tyrmanda, co jednak nasuwa wątpliwości interpretacyjne. Antykomunistyczna postawa pisarza nie może być rozpatrywana w oderwaniu od zimnowojennej rywalizacji geopolitycznej Stanow Zjednoczonych, Związku Sowieckiego i Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej. Pisarz nie uległ ideologii komunizmu ani w Polsce, ani w Ameryce w okresie przybierającej na sile ekspansji Nowej Lewicy.

Refine search results

Mikołaj Grynberg, Księga wyjścia, Czarne, Wołowiec 2018, s. 416

Porażka Nowej Lewicy

Wiersze „suchego pogromu” – Marzec ’68 w poezji polskiej (rekonesans) [The poetry of the “dry pogrom” - March 1968 in Polish poetry (a reconnaissance)]

THE NEW (ATHEIST) WOMAN: A LEGACY OF THE 1960S CULTURAL REVOLUTION?

Angelo Maria Ripellino a rok 1968

Prymas Stefan Wyszyński wobec rzeczywistości społeczno-politycznej PRL w 1968 r.

VIEWS OF SLOVAK ECONOMISTS ON THE ECONOMIC POSITION OF SLOVAKIA AT THE TURN OF THE YEARS 1967/1968

ALEXANDER DUBČEK A EURÓPA

Revoluce proti sob ě sam ým IV. sjezd Svazu československých spisovatelů 27.–29. června 1967, projevy a debaty v trojúhelníku spisovatelé, národ a moc

L’Imagination au pouvoir: historia sztuki w czasach kryzysu lat 60./70

1 Batalion Szturmowy podczas przygotowań i interwencji w Czechosłowacji w 1968 r.

The Case for a Native American 1968 and Its Transnational Legacy

1968 as a Symbol

ОСОБЛИВОСТІ СИСТЕМИ РОБОТИ ВИЩОЇ ПЕДАГОГІЧНОЇ ОСВІТИ ІТАЛІЇ У ДРУГІЙ ПОЛОВИНІ ХХ СТОЛІТТЯ

ÚLOHA JOZEFA LENÁRTA V ROKU 1968

August 1968 v politicko-ideologických heslách na stránkach dennej tlače

L’Imagination au pouvoir: Art History in the Times of Crisis, 1960s – 1970s

„To nie jest kwestia wyboru”. Z Aleksandrem Smolarem rozmawia Konrad Matyjaszek [“It’s not a matter of choice.” Aleksander Smolar interviewed by Konrad Matyjaszek]

Rozrachunek z pokoleniem ’68 w tekstach autorów generacji ’85

Pozostał w kontrze. Leopold T yrmand wobec ruchów kontestacyjnych w USA na kartach Dzienników Stefana Kisielewskiego