Search results

1

Přes ambasády ke svobodě. Drama východoněmeckého exodu v roce 1989

100%

Doležal J.

Soudobé dějiny (Contemporary History)

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2014

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issue 1-2

79-133

EN

The article seeks to chart out comprehensively mass attempts by citizens of the German Democratic Republic to defect o the West by way of the diplomatic missions of the Federal Republic of Germany in the capital cities of the Socialist countries, chiefly Prague, East Berlin, Budapest, and Warsaw. The author outlines the limited possibilities and the complicated circumstances of citizens who applied to emigrate from East to West Germany, and he discusses the important role of the attorney Wolfgang Vogel, Honecker’s official representative for humanitarian questions, in mediating this migration, and in solving crises that emerged during attempts to leave. As early as 1984, many East German refugees sought asylum in the diplomatic missions of the Federal Republic of Germany with the aim of compelling their authorities to let them leave the country. Five years later, the wave of refugees reached hitherto unimaginable dimensions, and was one of the factors that markedly contributed to the collapse of the Communist régime in the German Democratic Republic and ultimately to the end of the existence of East Germany as a state. The breaking point was the relaxation of border controls and the eventual opening up of the Hungarian-Austrian frontier between July and September 1989, by which the Hungarian reformist government reacted to the ever-growing number of East German refugees in the country. After that, the Honecker leadership limited its citizens’ travelling to Hungary, which, however, led to a massive pressure by thousands of refugees on the embassies of the Federal Republic of Germany in Warsaw and especially in Prague, where, in September, a humanitarian crisis erupted. The author provides a detailed reconstruction of the course of these events, including attempts by the parties involved to find a diplomatic solution. Under pressure from the Czechoslovak leadership, Erich Honecker, at the end of the month, gave in and reconciled himself to the departure of several thousand refugees from Prague via East German territory to the Federal Republic. is subsequent attempt to solve the increasingly urgent problem of closing the borders with Czechoslovakia as well, failed, however, and, by contrast, increased the East German citizens’ distaste for the régime. Honecker’s successor, Egon Krenz, was forced relax travel restrictions again between the two states. When, in early November 1989, he made it possible for citizens of the German Democratic Republic to travel to the West via Czechoslovakia with only their identity cards, the Berlin Wall became a non-functioning relic of the Cold War that was drawing to a close.

2

Koniec transformacji systemowej – czas na złoty wiek Polski

100%

Wałęsa L.

Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny

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2014

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vol. 76

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issue 2

11-14

EN

In the year of the 25th anniversary of the transformation of the political system and of the struggle for freedom and democracy in Poland I wish to announce the end of systemic change in our country! The transformation that we undertook and implemented has been thorough and radical, even epoch-making. Therefore, the time has now come to close the period of change officially and to present the Polish State as a mature democracy and with a fully-fledged economy. Let this jubilee year be a symbolic watershed between the previous phase of destruction and construction, and the current phase of establishment and development. Let it be from now on a golden age of the Republic of Poland! Today, twenty five years on, I would like us to look back at the road we have travelled and draw some conclusions; but first and foremost, I want us to look at the present and to look ahead to the future. From a historical perspective it must be recognised that we have achieved a lot in this time of transformation. There have been errors too, sometimes leading to injustice and social inequality. The overall outcome is nevertheless positive, even more so considering where and with what we started. I must admit that 25 year ago, the only wish I had was to open the door to freedom. I did not think what the first day after victory would bring. Maybe I was hoping our freedom would have drawers full of programmes. As it turned out later, we had to build everything from scratch. We were learning democracy and the free market at a practical level, and I must say we have succeeded quite well. Talking about transformations, the path to freedom, or the road we are taking now in a free Poland, we should not only recall the year 1989 and see it as the only cause of our present democracy and free market. The events of 1989 were important, but were neither the first nor the last element in the chain of events that had their origin much earlier. One cannot forget the dramatic events in Poznań in June 1956, December 1970 in Poland and other bids for freedom. These painful experiences instilled in us a strong conviction that the only way to follow was a wisely managed and peaceful struggle. This conviction was subsequently reinforced by the words of encouragement we received from Pope John Paul II and which we managed to turn into reality. These were the foundations on which both the Polish August of 80 and the Solidarity movement grew, not only as a trade union or a freedom movement, but as a philosophy underpinning our actions. This philosophy helped us to survive through the difficult times of the 1980s, a time whichshook the nation, and when Solidarity was greatly weakened. In 1988 and 1989 Solidarity had lost some of its momentum and no longer had the support of so many millions; yet it managed to bring us freedom when we eventually sat down at the Round Table. We achieved much more than the concessions won in the Round Table agreement foresaw – our prime minister in 1989 and our president elected in free elections in 1990 were the two elements that sealed the peaceful revolution. Therefore we must now, twenty five years later as we celebrate the Anniversary of 1989, remember every link in the chain of events that lead to freedom. I would like to see in this logic of the actual causes and effects, another phase of the historic battle for a better future, this time on a global scale. The first calls that Solidarity made for unity, consensus and collaboration in building a fair, safe and prosperous global world take on a particular dimension today, and the Polish experience of solidarity and dreams of freedom may now become a guideline for nations and peoples who in the contemporary world must still cope with enslavement and hopelessness, and here I mean, also our brother Ukrainians and many other nations. Further, it may also show the direction in which global civilisation should develop, and serve as lasting points of reference. This is what the world today lacks most. Neither we, as a civilisation, nor as a global world or individual nations, have so far been successful in identifying those values that would be universal for the whole of humanity, and to which we could refer irrespective of nationality, race or faith. Consequently, we stand helpless in the face of global crises or local conflicts, or even tend to forget that in this global world our neighbour’s problems become our problems, too. What our civilisation needs is a catalogue of unquestionable values accepted by all, without exception, on which to build a world of peace and safety. It is important that we agree to build our world on universal values, among which I include solidarity as the foundation of social life in many areas: economy, work, global collaboration, social inequalities. Solidarity and wisely used freedom should be the values from which universal respect for human dignity, the freedom of speech and religion, or the right to justice and equality of opportunity should derive. And we must make sure that these rights are wisely and efficiently exercised in a spirit of solidarity, locally and globally. Let this Anniversary discussion on history be at the same time a call for a debate on the shape of the future. This is the responsibility of the generation of those who have fought for and won freedom, and those who now want to use it wisely. It is our common task to make sure that these historical and democratic achievements, and in particular the potential which we, Poles, still have, is not squandered. It is a task to make the best of the chance Poland has today to build a new golden age. We should also remember that historically it has been a very long time since Poland’s geographical and political situation was so stable in terms of lasting security partnerships, economy and development, if it ever was. This is a foundation on which certainly much can be built today. And I shall always be there too, to welcome all who are interested and ready to join. Like twenty five years ago … Or even earlier.

PL

W roku 25-lecia przemian w wolności i demokracji chcę ogłosić: W Polsce zakończyła się właśnie transformacja systemowa! Dokonaliśmy gruntownych zmian, zmieniliśmy nawet epokę. Dlatego powinniśmy oficjalnie zamknąć okres transformacji i ogłosić czas państwa dojrzałej demokracji oraz okrzepłej gospodarki. Niech ten rok jubileuszowy będzie symboliczną cezurą pomiędzy etapem burzenia i budowania a etapem urządzania i rozwoju. Niech to będzie nowy złoty wiek Rzeczypospolitej!

3

Kryminał(ki) dla najmłodszych. O nurcie polskiej literatury kryminalnej adresowanej do dziecięco-młodzieżowego czytelnika po roku 1989. Rekonesans

89%

Mazurkiewicz A.

Literatura i Kultura Popularna

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2017

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vol. 23

121-134

EN

Literature intended for children and teenagers has got a specific character because of the specificity of the reader. What attracts our attention is first of all the didactic level of texts addressed to young (concerning both age and literary knowledge) readers and the instrumentalism, understood as a flow of particular information which aim is exerting a pedagogical influence. Therefore, the criminal intrigue is not in the centre of reader’s attention. It does, however, play an important role as the fiction mode, which enables genealogical instantiation of a particular text. This property draws the crime story for children and teenagers near to the novel of manner which is addressed to the juvenile reader; in this novel, the central theme point remains the closest setting of a protagonist, who is modelled on the assumed reader and his or her relationship with surroundings. The criminal thread is then fulfilling a function of a background which allows boosting the plot of the novel. However, reading texts for children and teenagers can be treated as an introduction to adult-oriented novels, especially when the reader has an opportunity to solve the mystery together with protagonists and outrun them in uncloaking the killer.

4

Progi i mosty. Kod temporalny w historiach literatury

89%

Paczoska E.

Prace Filologiczne. Literaturoznawstwo

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2021

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issue 11 (14)

13-29

EN

For the past two decades historians as well as literary historians have been manifesting a symptomatic distrust of time marks as clear ordering categories, it is therefore worth regarding them as the adjunctive and not fundamental markers of literary and cultural changes. Based on various examples, the article proves that time-related categories are closely related to literature and the dynamics of its course of events but the comprehensive rationale that lies behind the application of these categories depends on a number of factors including the sense of temporality that influences thresholds of literary experiences or the impact of network reality on changes in literature. Hence, according to the author of this article, the concept of adequacy of time marks in historical and literary practice is best described by the metaphor of a bridge.

PL

W badaniach historyków i badaczy dziejów literatury widać w ostatnich dwóch dekadach charakterystyczną nieufność wobec cezur jako wyrazistych kategorii porządkujących, dlatego traktować je warto jako pomocnicze, a nie podstawowe wyznaczniki literackich i kulturowych przemian. W artykule na różnych przykładach dowiedziono, że kategorie temporalne są ściśle związane z literaturą i dynamiką zdarzeń życia literackiego, ale sens ich stosowania zależy od wielu czynników (tak różnych jak poczucie czasowości wpływające na progi pisarskich doświadczeń czy wpływ sieciowej rzeczywistości na zmiany w literaturze). Toteż, zdaniem autorki, wyobrażenie funkcjonalności kategorii granicznych w praktyce historycznoliterackiej najlepiej określa metafora mostu.

5

Ocena regulacji prawnych ustanowionych przez Konferencję Episkopatu Polski po 1989 roku

89%

Piotr K.

Studia Socialia Cracoviensia

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2015

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issue 1(12)

93-105

EN

The article presents some regulations in particular canon law issued by the Episcopal Conference of Poland in reaction to the social changes that have taken place after a political and economic turning point in the year 1989. In the first part of the paper a short description of the Episcopal Conference is given. It serves to facilitate the subsequent evaluation of the acts issued by the Conference. The second part deals with one of the transformations in Polish society that is a new way of application and realization the right to association. Proper norming acts are analyzed. At the end of the second part some areas which require more regulations in canon law are mentioned. The very last part is dedicated to the recapitulation and conclusions. Summing up it can be said that the Episcopal Conference of Poland appropriately fulfills its duty by helping the faithful to cope with the hardships accompanying the changes in society

PL

Artykuł prezentuje niektóre regulacje prawne wprowadzone w ramach uprawnień do partykularnego prawa kanonicznego przez Konferencję Episkopatu Polski jako reakcję na socjologiczne zmiany, które zaszły po politycznym i ekonomicznym przewrocie w roku 1989. W pierwszej części artykułu zawarto krótkie przedstawienie konferencji episkopatu oraz jej kompetencji ustawodawczych. Druga część dotyczy jednej ze zmian w transformacji polskiego społeczeństwa, czyli sposobu stosowania i realizacji prawa do stowarzyszania się. Stosowne akty normatywne zostały przeanalizowane. Pod koniec tej części zostały przedstawione również inne obszary życia, które wymagają regulacji przez prawo kanoniczne. Ostatnia część została poświęcona podsumowaniu i wnioskom. Podsumowując, można powiedzieć, że Konferencja Episkopatu Polski właściwie wypełnia swoje obowiązki poprzez niesienie wiernym pomocy w zmaganiu się z trudnościami towarzyszącym zmianom w społeczeństwie.

6

Badania nad sztuką średniowieczną w Polsce po roku 1989

89%

Horzela D., Walczak M.

Średniowiecze Polskie i Powszechne

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2019

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vol. 11

262-297

EN

The geopolitical changes in Central and Eastern Europe which began in 1989 influenced also changes in the status of the field of history. In an attempt to change the perception of the field, a turn to the Middle Ages could be observed, as the times of prosperity in the Kingdoms of Bohemia, Hungary and Poland could serve as an excellent foundation for building a national identity. Thus, the authors propose a complex picture of historically and artistically oriented Medieval Studies in Poland against the backdrop of the situation in Central and Eastern Eu‑ rope, trying to ascertain how and to what extent the events of 1989 influenced the status and development of the discipline. Thirty years after the Yalta Conference, what can be observed is a gradual process of opening the discipline onto new methodologies and technological changes, as well as realizing its capabilities, which were hitherto suppressed by the oppressive political system. The natural generational change contributes to solidifying practices which the youngest generation of art historians takes for granted. However, the influences of inertia, deeply-rooted complexes and post-mortem victory of communist propaganda cannot be omitted. For the ma‑ jority of academic centers in Poland, it is virtually paradigmatic to talk about art in a very nar‑ row geographical context, accompanied by the tendency to isolate phenomena with clear ties to the European context. Too often is art in Poland seen as an expression and a consequence of its peripheral status, while almost overlooking the uniqueness and originality of many artistic phenomena. Moreover, a vision of Poland as a homogenous entity in its contemporary borders persists in the subconscious of the society, which constitutes a serious hindrance in the spread‑ ing of knowledge and is often used as a tool in historical politics. In addition, it should be noted that, unfortunately, many good practices, such as the obligation of familiarity with the entirety of the literature on the subject, begin to disappear, perhaps in connection with the “publish or perish” mentality and the need to fulfill the obligations towards the academic institution. Para‑ doxically, then, the political upheaval of 1989 brought in the discipline of art history, as well as the field of humanities as a whole, both positive as well as detrimental changes.

7

OBRAZ WYBORÓW KONTRAKTOWYCH W POLSCE NA ŁAMACH PRASY DLA KOBIET

89%

SZWED-WALCZAK A.

Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych

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2019

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issue 1(6)

151-173

PL

4 czerwca 2019 r. minęła 30. rocznica wyborów kontraktowych w Polsce. Dla jednych stanowiła ona symbol zwycięstwa demokracji, dla innych była plebiscytem. Wybory będące konsekwencją porozumień przy Okrągłym Stole były z niepokojem oczekiwane zarówno przez stronę rządzącą, jak i solidarnościową opozycję. Celem badań było ukazanie obrazu wyborów kontraktowych w Polsce na łamach prasy dla kobiet. Cezura badawcza objęła okres od rozpoczęcia obrad Okrągłego Stołu (luty 1989 r.) do końca lipca 1989 r. W toku badań postawiono pytania badawcze: 1) czy prasa dla kobiet prognozowała przemiany ustrojowe i jak odnosiła się do obrad Okrągłego Stołu, 2) w jakim wymiarze (społecznym, politycznym, gospodarczym) w czasopiśmie podejmowano wątek wyborów czerwcowych, 3) czy propagowano czytelnikom kandydatów na posłów i senatorów, a jeśli tak, to w jakiej formie (reklama, artykuł sponsorowany, wywiad), 4) jak na łamach prasy oceniano przygotowanie i przebieg wyborów do sejmu i senatu w 1989 r.

EN

On 4 June 2019, it was the 30th anniversary of the ‘contract elections’ in Poland. For some, it was a symbol of the victory of democracy, for others it was a plebiscite. The elections, being a consequence of the agreements of the Polish Round Table Talks, were awaited with concern by both the government and the opposition. The main purpose of this study was to investigate image of the ‘contract elections’ in Poland in the women’s press. The subject of the research were the magazines ‘Kobieta i Życie’ [‘Women and Life’], ‘Uroda’ [‘Beauty’], ‘Przyjaciółka’ [‘Girlfriend’], ‘Zwierciadło’ [‘Mirror’] published after the end of the Round Table Talks until the end of June 1989. In the course of the research, the following questions were posed: 1) Whether the women’s press forecasted the political changes and how it referred to the Round Table talks?, 2) In what dimension (social, political, economic) the subject ‘contract election’ was present in the journal; 3) Whether editorial offices promoted candidates for deputies and senators to readers, if so in what form (advertisement, sponsored articles, interviews); 4) How the preparation and conduct of the Sejm and Senate elections in 1989 were assessed in the women’s press?

8

INŠTITUCIONÁLNE PERIPETIE SLOVENSKÉHO PROFESIONÁLNEHO DIVADLA PO ROKU 1989

88%

Maťašík A.

Slovenské divadlo (Slovak Theatre)

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2013

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vol. 61

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issue 2

152 - 166

EN

In his study, the author examines changes in the organizational and economic background of the professional theatre production in the Slovak Republic after the late eighties of the 20th century. The socialist regime fully centralized theatrical activities and only Ministry of Culture could approve establishment of new theatre scene. The first step after the social changes in 1989 was replacement of theatre executives active during the previous period and as a result a variety of specialized ensembles began to emerge. After the opening of accession negotiations with the European Union in 1995, the Ministry of Culture under European recommendations implemented the project of decentralization of cultural institutions. The Ministry of Culture established three institutions as the core network guaranteeing general access for financially demanding arts of opera, ballet and musical drama throughout the national territory. After the election, the newly elected Minister Milan Kňažko gradually set aside all transformation measures and all theatres except SND and New Scene were delimited within the scope of county councils. In the autumn of 2003, the Minister of Finance made a first attempt to pass the almost completed new building of the Slovak National Theatre to the private developer and a year later prepared a Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of the Slovak Republic and the investors, who agreed to become the new proprietor under the condition of completion of the object so that in addition to a preserved opera hall, the areas intended for drama would be turned into a commercial gallery and a hotel with convention facilities would be built beside the object. Many prominent personalities of the Slovak cultural and social life opposed such plan. After the 2006 elections new building was completed under the leftist-centre government and in 2007 it became the seat of all three artistic bodies of Slovak National Theatre.

9

Ocena regulacji prawnych ustanowionych przez Konferencję Episkopatu Polski po 1989 roku

88%

Kroczek P.

Studia Socialia Cracoviensia

|

2015

|

vol. 7

|

issue 1

EN

The article presents some regulations in particular canon law issued by the Episcopal Conference of Poland in reaction to the social changes that have taken place after a political and economic turning point in the year 1989. In the first part of the paper a short description of the Episcopal Conference is given. It serves to facilitate the subsequent evaluation of the acts issued by the Conference. The second part deals with one of the transformations in Polish society that is a new way of application and realization the right to association. Proper norming acts are analyzed. At the end of the second part some areas which require more regulations in canon law are mentioned. The very last part is dedicated to the recapitulation and conclusions. Summing up it can be said that the Episcopal Conference of Poland appropriately fulfills its duty by helping the faithful to cope with the hardships accompanying the changes in society.

10

„Es gibt keine Exilliteratur mehr. Es gibt lediglich literarisch interessante Situationen” – über das Schaffen der polnischen Schriftsteller in Deutschland nach 1989

88%

Błaszczyk K., Universität Łódź P. F.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Germanica

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2014

|

vol. 10

EN

The article is an introduction to the issue of Polish literature written in Germany after 1989. The first part of the work focuses around the current literary discussions on defining and developing the terminology and methods enabling research into this new literature – written abroad after the fall of the Iron Curtain. Post-emigration literature, migration literature, minority literature, multi-, inter-, trans-cultural and diasporic literature – these are only a few of the suggested terms. The second part of the article refers to the works of selected representatives of Polish literature written after 1989 and the issues they discuss in their works. The purpose of the article is to briefly present the complexity of an important problem in the views of Polish, German and Slavic philologists. At the same time, it aims to show that study of the phenomenon in question is still insufficient.

11

Czeskie lokalne struktury opozycyjne w 1989 r. w perspektywie oral history

76%

Valeš L.

Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej

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2014

|

vol. 4

167-208

EN

Studies Czech Opposition Structures at the Local Level in 1989 through the Eyes of Oral History is devoted to the description and analysis of anti-regime activities of czech society at the level of towns and regions. The main source of knowledge are mainly interviews with the participants, led by the method of oral history. The aim of the study is primarily to show the variety of activities that took place at the local level, despite the repressive power of the communist regime in Czechoslovakia.

12

BEFORE AND AFTER: THE PHENOMENON OF CZECHOSLOVAKIA'S 'VELVET' REVOLUTION IN NARRATIVES BY ITS 'YOUNGEST WITNESSES'

75%

Lutherova G. S.

Sociológia (Sociology)

|

2010

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vol. 42

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issue 6

671-690

EN

Autobiographical narratives of childhood often constitute a part of the research in social sciences, yet there is a long-term lack of methodological debate on this subject. It is clear that autobiographical narratives themselves are not objective records of the individuals' memories. In relation to this, when focusing on adults reminiscing specifically on an era of their childhood, researchers have to keep in mind that their subjects do not merely construct an image of the past – simultaneously, they construct an image of their own childhood as well. The aim of this paper is to consider the basic characteristics of this specific type of data by means of analyzing the narratives of the 'youngest' witnesses of the period delineated by the revolution of 1989 in Czechoslovakia. Also, it reveals common traits in the way the witnesses construct their narratives in relation to the phenomenon of the 'Velvet' revolution. Thus, the collected material does not only constitute a means for the analysis of autobiographical narratives of childhood as a special type of data, but also of the aspects and features of the myth of revolution of 1989 and its place in the interpretation of the contemporary Slovak society.

13

(Re)konstruowanie pamięci o Rewolucji w nowym kinie rumuńskim

75%

Syska R.

Images. The International Journal of European Film, Performing Arts and Audiovisual Communication

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2015

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vol. 17

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issue 26

5-14

EN

(Re)construction of Memories of the Revolution in Contemporary Romanian Cinema The article examines contemporary Romanian cinema from a postmemory methodological perspective (based on the ideas of Marianne Hirsch, Dominick LaCapra and others). In the first section, a few key aspects of this concept are presented, and developed as a methodology for research on contemporary cinema, and then the history of the 1989 Revolution in Romania is outlined. In the second part of the text, the process of falsifying the Revolutionarch on contemporary cinema, and then the history of ctivity in the Ceauty in era. In the third section, contemporary topics in Romania are described, with emphasis on traumas in today’s society and the sins committed in the previous era.

14

KAM ZMIZLI SOCHY LENINA A GOTTWALDA? PREMENA ČESKOSLOVENSKÉHO VEREJNÉHO PRIESTORU PO ROKU 1989

75%

Hudek P.

Historický časopis (Historical Journal)

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2023

|

vol. 71

|

issue 1

115–145

EN

This article focuses on the situation in the public space of Czechoslovakia after the Velvet Revolution in 1989. It analyses the status and interventions on monuments and memorials built during state socialism in Czechoslovakia. Attention is given to the statues of communist leaders and their emblems (Lenin, Gottwald, Zápotocký, Militiaman, and others). The text is divided into eight interconnected parts. The first and second sections of the article explore in detail the public space in Czechoslovakia during November and December 1989 and its visual side. The other parts focus on the treatment of pro-regime monuments – their removal, destruction, and replacement. The sixth and seventh sections are dedicated to the museumization of these unwanted objects in squares and museums. The last part examines the new potential uses of statues from the period of state socialism in terms of their transformation into new representative symbols or their sale. The main aim of this article is to respond to questions related to statues and monuments used as political representations from the period of state realism and their cultural and historical role after 1989 in former Czechoslovakia. The research seeks to take a critical look at the accepted hypothesis that statues of the former regime were destroyed and more closely discusses their status after the Velvet Revolution.

15

Extinction instead of revival. A failed attempt to legitimise communist power by activating the National Front in late socialist Czechoslovakia

75%

Klimeš D.

Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)

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2023

|

vol. 31

|

issue 1

179-205

EN

This thesis analyses the position of the Czech National Front in late-normalisation Czechoslovakia. The National Front brought together authorised political parties and various mass organisations. It was a critical legitimizing instrument of the authoritarian government of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia during the communist period. T he thesis outlines the attempt of the Czechoslovak communists to meet the demands of democratisation during the period of perestroika in the late 1980s by the more active National Front and its associated organisations. Archival documents of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and the National Front, together with contemporary media, show how important propaganda role the more active Czech National Front was to play. The reality was that the Communists did not allow other parties and organisations associated with the National Front to have a fundamentally greater share of political power until November 1989. Paradoxically, it was only at the end of 1989 that the Czech National Front really sought an independent position in the political system. But by then the National Front had only a few months of political life left.

16

The Romanian Filmmaker’s Union. Between Ambiguous Past and Uncertain Futur

71%

Popescu A.

Images. The International Journal of European Film, Performing Arts and Audiovisual Communication

|

2012

|

vol. 11

|

issue 20

93-98

PL

The Romanian Filmmakers’ Union is one of today’s largest cinematographic professional organisations inherited from the Communist past. This study looks at this specific form of institutionalising the activity of Romanian filmmakers from the perspective of its intermediary role between Party directives and divergent personal interests. The collapse of the regime made visible explosive tensions generated by this ambivalent institutional identity. It is therefore interesting to examine the consequences this organisation had on filmmakers’ status before and in the aftermath of the regime change. By using ethnographic methods, the article contributes to an understanding of the role the Union played in reconfiguring the professional community after 1989, especially after the coming of age of a generation of filmmakers who created new professional worlds that challenged the idea of ‘creative collectivity’.

EN

The Romanian Filmmaker’s Union. Between Ambiguous Past and Uncertain Futur The Romanian Filmmakers’ Union is one of today’s largest cinematographic professional organisations inherited from the Communist past. This study looks at this specific form of institutionalising the activity of Romanian filmmakers from the perspective of its intermediary role between Party directives and divergent personal interests. The collapse of the regime made visible explosive tensions generated by this ambivalent institutional identity. It is therefore interesting to examine the consequences this organisation had on filmmakers’ status before and in the aftermath of the regime change. By using ethnographic methods, the article contributes to an understanding of the role the Union played in reconfiguring the professional community after 1989, especially after the coming of age of a generation of filmmakers who created new professional worlds that challenged the idea of ‘creative collectivity’.

17

Wymyślając wolnorynkowy leninizm. Dylematy ostatniego pokolenia komunistów na Węgrzech i w Polsce

71%

Przeperski M.

Polska 1944/45-1989. Studia i Materiały

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2022

|

issue 19

215-231

EN

The article analyses the political activities and the language used by two representatives of the last generation of communist politicians in Poland and Hungary: Miklós Németh and Leszek Miller. The text aims to examine similarities and differences, potential mutual flows of ideas and inspirations, and in consequence – to uncover new analytical fields within which researchers could formulate new, more complete and convincing research hypotheses and theses. They concern both the last years of the functioning of the communist system and the starting point of the new, non-communist statehood and new socio-political-economic system.

PL

Tekst stanowi próbę analizy politycznej aktywności i języka używanego przez dwóch reprezentantów ostatniego pokolenia komunistycznych polityków w Polsce i na Węgrzech. Jako przykładowi przedstawiciele tej generacji zostali potraktowani Miklós Németh oraz Leszek Miller. Celem wywodu jest rozpatrzenie podobieństw i różnic, potencjalnych wzajemnych przepływów idei i inspiracji, a w konsekwencji odsłonięcie nowych przestrzeni analitycznych, w ramach których można będzie sformułować nowe: pełniejsze i bardziej przekonujące hipotezy i tezy badawcze. Dotyczą one tak ostatnich lat funkcjonowania systemu komunistycznego, jak i punktu startu, z którego budowano nową, niekomunistyczną państwowość i nowy system społeczno-polityczno-ekonomiczny.

18

Rewolucja porzucona przez własne dzieci, czyli o paradoksie niepolitycznej polityki widzianym z Polski

63%

Uczkiewicz K.

Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia

|

2015

|

vol. 3: Elity w krajach Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej po roku 1989

43 - 56

EN

The events taking place during the Autumn of Nations 1989 transformed Central Europe so significantly that — though in the majority of Eastern Bloc countries it happened without bloodshed — the change may be called revolutionary. Later fate and life choices of the leaders and participants of the 1989 revolution in Poland and Czechoslovakia have been as different as their ways to democracy. Difference is a source of mutual fascination, which in Poland has centered mostly around the person of Václav Havel. Why did the citizens of Czechoslovakia — who at the end of 1989 had organized mass demonstrations and a general strike throughout the whole country, and who had been ready to take a great risk to express their disapproval of the government’s policy — having achieved instant victory, peacefully return home and leave the political scene to officials and technocrats? Why did the ethos and discourse of the Velvet Revolution remain alive only in a narrow circle of intellectuals — former dissidents? Why did the new elite reduce its significance to the role of an effective gadget for the purpose of the Western media? The article presents the fate of the “children of the Velvet Revolution” as seen from the Polish perspective.

19

Polski rok 1989 w perspektywie czechosłowackich dzienników opiniotwórczych

63%

Marcinkowski D.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

|

2019

|

vol. 26

100-110

EN

The main goal of this article is to show the image of the most important Polish political actions in 1989 through the prism of Czechoslovak opinion-forming daily press: Rudé právo and Mladá fronta. The author is focused on the analysis of materials generally connected with the deliberations of the Round Table, as well as the Polish legislative election on 4 June. It is desirable to disclose the way of presenting of the most important actions in Poland by the Czechoslovak press in that period, which we have mentioned above. The author also tries to determine how acute was the attention of the press to the Polish events that had taken place during those times. The newspapers, that are analysed, were controlled by Czechoslovak Rule and they were medium of its current views. According to this fact we could emphasize one of the elements in the sphere of the official relations between Poland and Czechoslovakia in relation in the year 1989. We could also reconstruct the Polish situational image which was presented to Czechoslovak citizens by the Czechoslovak authorities.

20

“PEACEFUL REVOLUTION” AS A WAY OF CONCEPTUALIZING THE EVENTS OF 1989 IN EAST GERMANY

63%

Dobkiewicz M.

Studia Europaea Gnesnensia

|

2013

|

issue 7

45-56

EN

The article revolves around the thesis that the present-day expression 'die friedliche Revolution' is the result of a breakthrough in German language, which took place inEast Germanyin the autumn of1989. Intoday's official commemorative discourse, it serves as a way of conceptualizing those events and also represents an attempt to create a “positive” collective memory, as opposed to the one associated with the Nazi period. Connotations of ‘peaceful revolution’ can be traced to other expressions, which were meant to build common values within the society in the year 1989. The term 'peaceful revolution' can thus be seen as a continuation of the language filled with the rhetoric of revolutionary struggle for freedom and as such, it has become a concept on the basis of which one creates a specific image of the events of the year 1989/1990 in Germany. The article also gives possible reasons for the linguistic choice of the phrase, including its juxtaposition with the term 'the Change/Turn' ('die Wende'). Conclusions of the article show that the phrase 'peaceful revolution', by virtue of its positive connotations, lays ground for the crafting of collective memory related to the latest German history.

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Extinction instead of revival. A failed attempt to legitimise communist power by activating the National Front in late socialist Czechoslovakia

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Rewolucja porzucona przez własne dzieci, czyli o paradoksie niepolitycznej polityki widzianym z Polski

Polski rok 1989 w perspektywie czechosłowackich dzienników opiniotwórczych

“PEACEFUL REVOLUTION” AS A WAY OF CONCEPTUALIZING THE EVENTS OF 1989 IN EAST GERMANY