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Co všechno se skrývá pod termínem sekularizace? Krátká bilance pro historiky

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Hlavačka M.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2011
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vol. 19
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issue 2
1-14
EN
A number of secularization 'paradigms' have been developed by sociologists and religionists. Each of them, however, covers only a part of this fully almost ungraspable social process because they derive from different points of viewing religion. From these heterogeneous secularization paradigms or concepts obviously follows that particularly in the 19th century, mostly between the 1848/49 Revolution and the First World War, this was not an easy, unambiguous or straight process. Secularization was rather a sort of struggle between the supporters of different opinions, such as the liberals and the ultramontane Catholics. Obviously, the 'results' of secularization largely differed, as in Europe very different forms of State-to-Church relations were chosen. As a result, a wide range of intellectual macroanalytical (sociological) legacy of the secularization process is available. Therefore, the specific course of the process cannot be ignored, and neither can be the fact that religious experiencing, organizing and thinking have not disappeared yet - and probably will never disappear - from the modern and postmodern world, although due to the growing significance of rational roles in society and the economization of everyday life they have largely withdrawn from the public space, or from the regular - both real and symbolic - content of that space. The struggle for power between the State and the Church in Christian-Jewish communities ended a long time ago and no one will probably dare to question the victory of the State (States) over the Church in the public space. This has been primarily achieved owing to the antiauthoritarian feelings of the emancipated, better educated and more mobile society, and also owing to the Church (Catholic in this country) itself. However, the costs of that victory will remain an onerous question forever.
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Kontinuita nebo změna? Haličští konzervativci vůči projevům demokratizace, emancipace a modernizace v Rakousku na přelomu 19. a 20. století

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Łazuga W., Menz M.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2012
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vol. 20
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issue 2
235-244
EN
By the end of the 19th century the Polish-Lithuanian state declined and disintegrated. As a result, Malopolska, the southern part of the former state, appeared under the Habsburg rule and this new territory of their empire was renamed Galicia. For eighty years after the disintegration of the Polish state Galicia was the worst annexed territory. The local nobility had to quickly adapt to the new political order and law. The diet of nobility was converted into a diet of estates, instead of free vote there were now petitions to the throne. Local ruling nobles were replaced by the rule of foreigners, mostly Czech and German officials. The Galician conservatives were divided (not only geographically) in two parts: the West Galician group and the East Galician group. The first were called “stańczycy“, the latter “podolaci”. Comparing the two groups we can say that the conservatives of Cracow were certainly more open to changes. On the other hand, the conservatism of “podolaci” was “blind” and “absolute”, their program being limited to the slogan: “What will be here must be what was here”. Due to thein traditionalist attitudes the Polish conservatives failed to understand and accept “the modern world”. Therefore, they would never again play the same role as they did in the history of autonomous Galicia. Their vacated positions were taken by “modern” mass political parties.
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Národní diskurzy polských marxistů na přelomu 19. a 20. století: patriotismus Kazimierze Kelles-Krauze proti internacionalismu Rosy Luxemburgové

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Květina J.
Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)
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2012
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vol. 98
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issue 3-4
209-231
EN
This paper analyses a national discourse of the Polish socialist movement at the turn of the 19th and 20th century. Its wording is very questionable because of the different interpretations of Marx's attitude by the two main Polish socialist intellectual leaders: Kazimierz Kelles-Krauz and Rosa Luxemburg. As the key method of this research, it is possible to define a comparison of their theoretical concepts, whose dissimilar conclusions resulted in formation of two rival political parties: PPS and SDKPiL. It is necessary to analyse and understand the conception of the nation according to Polish socialist doctrines focusing on the different interpretations of: 1) the sense of the proletarian revolution; 2) accumulation of the capital; 3) the basic essence of the national community. Based on these issues, this research is to clarify not only the unambiguous conception of the Polish socialism but also the theoretical dilemma of the relationship between nationalism and socialism.
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