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EN
The article looks at the migrant crisis, which reached full fl ow in 2015, in terms of Europe’s long-term development and its relationship to other continents. It verifi es the limited options for studying this topic due to the unavailability of primary sources. It analyses fundamental contradictions in the current political and journalistic presentation of the topic, in particular the contradiction between the proclamation of legally secured grace, and the attempt to make up the workforce defi cit; between temporary protection and permanent integration of migrants. It emphasises the pragmatic features of the actions of large economic corporations, governments, traffi cking gangs and migrants. Against this, it notes the need to determine Europe’s absorption abilities and rigorously support the population of Africa and Asia remaining in their home nations, but with a regulated birth rate (implementing a planned parenthood model), and with greater support from richer Arab countries. Instead of the ambiguous concept of ‘European values’, it formulates the notion of European civilisation experience and its duality, which is conditional upon a different approach to immigration in Western (post-colonial) and Eastern (post-totalitarian) states within the European Union. In conclusion, it outlines the threats unmanaged migration represents for Europe, and the potential for managing this crisis.
PL
Autor podejmuje próbę analitycznego spojrzenia na proces komunikacji w trakcie trwania drugiej edycji Budżetu Obywatelskiego Miasta Krakowa w 2015 r. Przedmiotem badania były środki oraz kanały komunikacji wykorzystane przez Urząd Miasta Krakowa do kontaktu z mieszkańcami uprawnionymi do udziału w głosowaniu nad projektami Budżetu Obywatelskiego. Za punkt odniesienia służą m.in. ewaluacje kolejnych edycji Budżetu Obywatelskiego przygotowane na zamówienie UMK. Autor zestawia zaprezentowane w nich środki komunikacji i ich oczekiwaną skuteczność z potencjalną liczbą odbiorców, do których komunikaty dotyczące Budżetu Obywatelskiego mogły dotrzeć w dany sposób. Artykuł stanowi próbę znalezienia odpowiedzi na pytanie o przyczyny niskiej frekwencji podczas głosowania nad projektami Budżetu Obywatelskiego w 2015 r. Autor stara się ustalić, czy przyczyną tego stanu mogła być niewłaściwa komunikacja pomiędzy Urzędem Miasta Krakowa a mieszkańcami.
EN
The author makes an attempt to analytically look at the communication process observed during the second edition of the Participatory Budgeting in Cracow in 2015. The subject of the study were means of communication and channels used by the Cracow City Office to contact residents, eligible to vote on the Participatory budget projects. Evaluations of the following Participatory Budgeting editions, ordered by the Office, are used, among others, as a point of reference. The author juxtaposes means of communication mentioned there and their expected effectiveness with the potential number of recipients, who could have been reached by the particular message concerning participatory budget. The article attempts to answer the question about the reasons for the low turnout during the voting on participatory budget projects in Cracow in 2015. The author tries to determine whether inadequate communication between the City council and the residents could have been one of the reasons for that situation.
EN
The paper discusses working conditions of workers employed on drilling and extraction platforms as provided for in the Act on maritime labour of August 5, 2015 (henceforth Maritime Labour Act) from the viewpoint of the their compliance with the European Union and international law. The author examines the problem of classification of drilling and extraction platforms as non-convention vessels in the provisions of the Maritime Labour Act. The analysis leads to a conclusion that, in the light of the Maritime Labour Convention adopted in Geneva by the General Conference of the International Labour Organization (ILO) on February 23, 2006 (henceforth the MLC) and the Act of September 18, 2001 – the Maritime Code, drilling or extraction platforms shall be regarded exclusively as seagoing merchant vessels and as such are covered by the MLC provisions. Workers on drilling or extraction platforms, which at the same time are seagoing ships, should be considered seafarers in the meaning of the Maritime Labour Act. The subject of the analysis covers also regulations concerning the organization of working time, in particular referring to workers employed on drilling and extraction platforms, with respect to its compliance with the EU labour law and the MLC. The regulation of working time of workers on drilling or extraction platforms as provided for in the Maritime Labour Act should be regarded as incompliant with the provisions of the Council Directive 1999/63/EC of June 21, 1999 and the MLC in the scope in which it permits extension of weekly working time to 84 hours and abandoning of the Labour Code provisions stipulating the minimum weekly rest period. The author concludes that the provisions of the Maritime Labour Act have not implemented the Directive 2003/88/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of November 4, 2003 concerning certain aspects of the organisation of working time (Directive 2003/88/EC). Finally, the author touches upon the issue of judicial protection and asserting labour rights of workers employed on drilling and extraction platforms. The considerations lead to a conclusion that labour courts have the constitutional grounds for applying the MLC with respect to the working time based on primacy of that international regulation over the respective provision of the Maritime Labour Act. Concluding, the author indicates also that the constitutional rule of social dialogue was infringed during in the law-making process concerning the Maritime Labour Act.
EN
The paper discusses working conditions of workers employed on drilling and extraction platforms as provided for in the Act on maritime labour of August 5, 2015 (henceforth Maritime Labour Act) from the viewpoint of the their compliance with the European Union and international law. The author examines the problem of classification of drilling and extraction platforms as non-convention vessels in the provisions of the Maritime Labour Act. The analysis leads to a conclusion that, in the light of the Maritime Labour Convention adopted in Geneva by the General Conference of the International Labour Organization (ILO) on February 23, 2006 (henceforth the MLC) and the Act of September 18, 2001 – the Maritime Code, drilling or extraction platforms shall be regarded exclusively as seagoing merchant vessels and as such are covered by the MLC provisions. Workers on drilling or extraction platforms, which at the same time are seagoing ships, should be considered seafarers in the meaning of the Maritime Labour Act. The subject of the analysis covers also regulations concerning the organization of working time, in particular referring to workers employed on drilling and extraction platforms, with respect to its compliance with the EU labour law and the MLC. The regulation of working time of workers on drilling or extraction platforms as provided for in the Maritime Labour Act should be regarded as incompliant with the provisions of the Council Directive 1999/63/EC of June 21, 1999 and the MLC in the scope in which it permits extension of weekly working time to 84 hours and abandoning of the Labour Code provisions stipulating the minimum weekly rest period. The author concludes that the provisions of the Maritime Labour Act have not implemented the Directive 2003/88/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of November 4, 2003 concerning certain aspects of the organisation of working time (Directive 2003/88/EC). Finally, the author touches upon the issue of judicial protection and asserting labour rights of workers employed on drilling and extraction platforms. The considerations lead to a conclusion that labour courts have the constitutional grounds for applying the MLC with respect to the working time based on primacy of that international regulation over the respective provision of the Maritime Labour Act. Concluding, the author indicates also that the constitutional rule of social dialogue was infringed during in the law-making process concerning the Maritime Labour Act.
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