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EN
The book titled 'Active Art' ('Aktiva maksla', 1923) by the Latvian writer and literary critic Andrejs Kurcijs (1894-1959) belongs to the wide spectrum of avant-garde manifestoes current in Europe of the 1920s. It is a kind of theoretical treatise of activism which deals with problems of both European and Latvian art, including visual art. This work has been examined several times; already Kurcijs' contemporaries made some critical comments but during the Soviet period it had been interpreted mostly as a dualistic split between 'formalist' and 'revolutionary' attitudes. The theoretical background of this treatise is surely related to Kurcijs' studies of philosophy and art theory at the Berlin University in 1922 and 1923. But he had read much of Immanuel Kant, Arthur Schopenhauer, Friedrich Nietzsche, Leo Tolstoy, Karl Marx etc. already during his earlier studies of medicine and first literary endeavours. Activism is closely related to formalism - artistic form is that enduring element that excites the viewer with aesthetic means and depends on intellectual effort, contrary to the passive attitudes of naturalist/impressionist legacy. Direct quotes from Amedee Ozenfant's and Fernand Leger's statements testify that Kurcijs was greatly impressed by their ideas. Speaking about activism and cubism, Kurcijs also stress the widely circulating cubist idea that they depict things 'as they really are', apart from their irrelevant, accidental features. More critical is Kurcijs' approach to suprematism. Although it may be the most consequent in rendering 'things in themselves', at the same time it loses its emotional, spiritual qualities, its 'artistic mathematics'. One is prompted to ask if Kurcijs' theory might be derived from the German literary trend named activism. Some common general traits indeed could be discovered, such as emphasis on the autonomy of spiritual phenomena, like literature and art, opposed to the natural determinism typical of the 19th century. Andrejs Kurcijs continued to promote the activist theory and defend his position concerning the fruitful impact of the 'active French painting' on Latvian art in his later exhibition reviews.
EN
The heated debate between feminism(s) and psychology(ies) about being political goes beyond the understanding of feminism as a dangerous ideology that needs to be divorced from the respect for approaches intrinsic to psychological practices. Political activism is frequently understood as a core feminist value, but different ethics can come into play in psychology and psychotherapy. Professionals engaged in critical and feminist approaches seek to combine being political while cherishing the autonomous decision-making of each and every client. However, we also encounter positions where individual work is rejected and only collective activism is to be pursued, or on the other hand, positions where activism beyond individual help is deemed unrealistic. In the following text different perspectives on feminist politics and psychology will be presented. For instance, critical psychology can serve as one of the platforms where feminisms and the critique of psychological theories can come together in claiming that neutrality is impossible. The theoretical part of the article is illustrated with examples, some of which were drawn from the empirical material collected for the authoress' dissertation project 'Gendering Psychological Counselling'.
EN
The aim of the article, which processes the results of ethnographic research, is to interpret, with the example of the emergence and disappearance (transformation) of the Alternative Bloc network, the significance and functioning of fractions and networks of co-operation on the meso-mobilisation level in the LGBTQ movement in Spain. The study takes its departure from a characterisation of the movement as an ideologically polarised non-unified whole. Within that context, active fractions criticise the official politics of the state-supported Federation of LGBTQ Organisations and by means of protest campaigns, based on co-operation between ideologically related platforms of social movements in internationally supported networks, demand civic rights for all irrespective of sexual or gender identity. Even despite the disunity and antagonistic character of the protest actions, the newly-emerged networks cooperating on an international level have had a positive impact on the orientation and continuity of the entire LGBTQ movement in the country.
EN
The goal of this text is to offer a systematic analysis of political activism in the Czech Republic. The article first differentiates between and theoretically defines three types of political activism. These are old, new, and radical types of activism. The first is primarily represented by trade unions, the second by organisations with a post-materialistic orientation, and the third by political groups positioned on the far right and left. To analyse them, the text utilises selected tools of social movement theory. Drawing on this theory, the article shows the differences between the three activist types in the following dimensions: action repertoire, political opportunity structure (context), organisational resources, and so-called transactional capacity, which captures the ability of activist organisations to cooperate among themselves. The text analyses data from both protest event analysis (PEA Czech Republic) and a survey of Czech activist groups (SMO Czech Republic).
EN
Labour migrants with uncertain permissions to remain in a new country are especially vulnerable to exploitation. Based on interviews with Filipino domestic workers, this paper explores the variation in migrants’ reaction to their present circumstance. Their response to injustice or neglect may fall anywhere along a continuum from abject resignation to aggressive activism. Our discussion concerns the capability of the context in which the migrant’s response unfolds. We ask: what could happen here? In this context, what kind of response makes better sense? But the answer changes according to the migrant’s focus. In the narrow context of this place at this time activism may not be feasible and what looks like resignation the only option. But if the context of response is expanded to include remittances which will send children to school or parents to hospital; and to visions of a better future back in the home country, then its capability changes. Resignation in the present maybe a strategy actively directed toward future goals. In this light resignation and activism are not fixed and opposite responses. The individual migrant combines them to match the capability of the context in which she defines herself.
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