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EN
The article discusses the post-war political praxis of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia vis a vis nations living in this multiethnic state. Subotica was chosen as an example of a local community which, due to the transformations which took place in the second half of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century, became divided into conflict-ridden ethnic communities. The latter competed for power, a process which left its imprint upon the public life of the city. The author presented two stages in the policy pursued by the Yugoslav communists in relation to Subotica and its population. During the first stage, the only legitimate citizens of the town appeared to be the Serbs (Serbs and Croats), and assorted steps were made for the exclusion of the Germans and Hungarians from the political community. During the second phase, the communists aimed at equal representation. This 'national key' policy, rather untypical for a people's democracy, was supposed to provide everyone with a feeling of being represented in the new reality, and to increase support for the undertakings of the advocates of the post-war order. Important contexts for the national policy of the Communist Party included a changeable attitude towards assorted creeds, and especially the dominant Catholic Church, various attempts at a total and direct subjugation to the Party of all cultural associations and the administration, and the impact of the national policy upon the symbolic of various national groups in the public life of Subotica.
Studia Historyczne
|
2009
|
vol. 52
|
issue 2(206)
139-158
EN
This article, which deals with an attempted expansion of the Polish Armed Forces to the French Zone of Occupation in the aftermath of Germany's surrender in 1945, is based on data gathered from various sources in the collections of the Polish Institute and General Wladyslaw Sikorski Museum in London. Brief references to the idea of forming Polish military units in the south-western parts of Germany under French can be found primarily in reports and memos written by liaison officers of the Polish Military Mission in Germany. After the end of the war large numbers of Polish prisoners of war and labourers eligible for conscription still found themselves in Germany. The Polish government in London tried to tap these reserves of manpower to bolster the Polish Armed Forces in the West. New recruits were directed to the Polish 2nd Corps in Italy, but it was not long before the British command put the brakes on any expansion of the Polish forces. It was then that the Poles tried to find a place for the newly-formed units with the French army of occupation. By the end of 1945 three Polish battalions and a few smaller units were collaborating with the French. However, in 1946 a political decision made in Paris dashed all hopes of an agreement: members of the Polish units were ordered to remove all signs which declared their national origins or allegiance. As a result some Polish troops moved on to the American Zone and were incorporated into the Polish Auxiliary Guard Companies, some enlisted with Groupement des Auxilieres Étrangeres, organized by the French, and the rest sought employment in civilian DIP camps. The article also mentions the creation in the French Zone of Polish military units under the auspices of the Communist-led government in Warsaw. These were the only Polish units that returned to Poland from the West without having to give up their arms.
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