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This study compares the collection of Jan Kollár 'Poems' (1821) and Petrarch's 'Canzoniere'. First it deals with the developent of notion 'modern literature'. Augustine of Hippo described the origination of the notion of 'free will' as the possibility for a human being to change from the stationary good to a self-creative good - that means being responsible for self-creating himself as the good - in the way that a human employs his tools and categories to his inner and outer world meanwhile he recgonizes the validity of his categories as changeable. Here arises the human responsibility for self-creation which came into being mainly in the work of Petrarch as the basics of modern poetry. Both Petrarch and Kollár were inspired by the teachings of Augustine of Hippo, in whose view a Christian understands happines as an inner disposition that he employs when deals with everyday life. His focus is on happines even though he is in miserable position. The structure of Petrarch's 'Canzoniere' emphasises the meaning of Augustine's conception that is to teach people to be happy even in abasement and adversities. Thus all of his poems result as complicated answers to an appeal to a poet - and humans in general - to deal with degradation and depression, to elevate themselves over the disastrous events by accepting them as the historical facts. Kollár handled the problem of 'being happy in adversities' as a cultural extension of Petrarch's 'Canzoniere'. If a human being is able to experience happiness even in an extreme need, than there is no limitation for the poet to approach the issue as a moral and social imperative. Many Kollár's rhymes express this view as an appeal for a particular community, over all the Slovaks, to maintain their social energy. In his work 'Slavy Dcera' he applies this poetics to all the Slavic nations. The analysis of the first seven Kollár's poems shows, that Kollár directly reproduces the structure of categories in Petrarch's 'Canzoniere', although it differs in point of view. He does not lay importance on the function of poetry as a consolation in adversities, but he reflects the Augustine's thought that the feeling of happiness prevails in a Christian in every moment. In the prospect of this conception, he opens the possibility to represent the disposition to happiness as a moral and social strenght of both - an individual and society, and as a style of organization of social communication.
EN
Quite a number of scholars claim that the Pelagian controversy started in 411. This common opinion is subjected to scrutiny in this paper. It provides a thorough analysis of sources, particularly of the writings of Augustine of Hippo. First, it is apparent (yet rarely noticed) that the first utterances of the animosity towards Pelagius were not formulated before 415 (by Augustine, Orosius and Jerome). Second, the arguments against Pelagius were devised by Augustine and influenced the decisions on Pelagius made by the African bishops, Pope Innocent and the emperor Honorius. The second line of the argument aims at showing that one ought not to write about the Pelagian controversy before 415. Augustine in his later works tried to force the opinion that he had fought with the Pelagian heresy even before it emerged. However, we should not follow his idiosyncratic view. In consequence, I am against using the vague term Pelagian controversy' and support the view that it is better to write about the controversy between Augustine and Pelagius.
EN
In this article the author points out the relationship between the views of Jean-Luc Marion contained in his 'Au lieu de soi. L'approche de Saint Augustin' and the views of Pelagius (4th/5th century). The author first notes the basic facts about the controversy between Augustine and Pelagius. He then summarizes the main issues contained in Marion's book, and shows the basic ideas of Augustine's distortion that occur in it. Finally, he indicates the relationship between Marion's philosophy and the views of Pelagius. The article concludes that Marion's phenomenology of givenness is much more closely connected with the views of Pelagius than those of Augustine of Hippo.
EN
According to the theory present in both the prescriptive and hagiographical writings concerned with the functioning of the earliest monastic communities in Africa, a prerequisite and a necessary condition imposed on any member of a monastic community was to dispose of all his private property and belongings. The authors promoting this rule primarily referred to two New Testament texts (Matth. 19:12; Acts 4:32–25). The apostolic community of Jerusalem described in the Acts became even the model for Augustine’s monasticism (Praeceptum, Vita Augustini, Sermo 356). Furthermore, Augustine, taking advantage of his rhetorical mastery, tried to prove the superiority of common over private property in his preaching (Enarratio in Ps. 131, 5–7). However, the disposing of private belongings was an ambiguous practice in the everyday life of the communities established by the bishop of Hippo and entailed a whole range of restrictions of legal or social nature. The ambiguity concerned even Augustine himself. The extant sources do not clearly and unambiguously specify what he actually did with his family estate. The rather apologetic Sermon 356 depicts a whole collection of clergymen residing with Augustine in the bishop’s abode who could be reasonably suspected of having failed to dispose of their property on joining the monastery. The main part of the paper focuses, therefore, on a case study of those monks’ situation. Its aim is to explain why and how the monastic theory related to property issues clearly clashed with the actual monastic practice in the earliest Augustinian communities.
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