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Polityka Australii wobec uchodźców

100%
Lencznarowicz J.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2018
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vol. 44
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issue 2 (168)
43–66
PL
Australijska polityka imigracyjna, szczególnie wobec uchodźców, oraz polityka wielokulturowości były często przywoływane w Europie jako pozytywny model, zwłaszcza przez zwolenników masowej imigracji i integracji nowo przybyłych w społeczeństwach przyjmujących. Jednak w ostatnich latach stanowisko Canberry wobec osób próbujących bez wiz dostać się na terytorium australijskie, by tam uzyskać status uchodźcy, wzbudza krytykę na świecie i w samej Australii. Zarazem, gdy Unia Europejska stanęła w obliczu fali niekontrolowanej migracji z Afryki i Azji, nie brakuje wezwań do przyjęcia australijskich rozwiązań. Trudno nie spostrzec, jak bardzo owe polemiki odzwierciedlają starcie różnych politycznych i ideologicznych perspektyw, a trafiające do polskiego czytelnika wypowiedzi są zwykle wyrwane z kontekstu. Dlatego poniższy tekst ma dwa cele: zarysowanie historii polityki australijskiej wobec uchodźców oraz wykazanie, że wprowadzone na przełomie wieku zmiany są raczej jej ewolucyjną kontynuacją niż radykalną zmianą.
EN
Australian immigration policy, particularly regarding refugees, along with multicultural policies were often hailed in Europe as a positive model, especially by advocates of mass immigration and the integration of newcomers in receiving societies. However, in recent years Canberra’s position on asylum seekers trying to reach the Australian territory without visas has provoked criticism in the world as well as in Australia. At the same time, when the European Union faces uncontrolled migration from Africa and Asia, there is no shortage of calls for an adoption of Australian solutions. On cannot but notice how much these polemics reflect the clash between different political and ideological perspectives, while voices on the topic which reach Polish-language readers are usually taken out of context. Therefore the text has two aims: to outline the history of Australian refugee policy and to show that the changes at the turn of the century are its evolutionary continuation rather than any radical change.
2
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PRZEMIANY AUSTRALIJSKIEJ POLITYKI IMIGRACYJNEJ PO II WOJNIE ŚWIATOWEJ I ICH KONSEKWENCJE

94%
Lencznarowicz J.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2013
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vol. 39
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issue 4(150)
19-33
EN
The experiences of World War II resulted in radical changes in the Australian immigration policy. The mass character of immigration and, most of all, its diverse national composition lead to deep social and cultural changes. Within two decades, not without a struggle, the relatively ethnically homogenous, “truly British” society of the Commonwealth of Australia which was formerly separated from the world through the “tyranny of distance”, turned into a multiethnic society characterised by great social and cultural diversity. This necessitated adjustments in the state policy, which evolved from assimilationist to multicultural, and changes in social attitudes and the Australian national identity. This article takes a historical perspective and aims at outlining the sources, assumptions and actual course of postwar immigration and its major social and cultural implications. It presents the period until the mid 1970s, i.e. until the Labour government led by Gough Whitlam, who initiated the politics of multiculturalism, was is office.
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SOCIAL JUSTICE APPROACH TO RURAL SCHOOL STAFFING: THE NEED FOR A POLITICS OF DISTRIBUTION AND RECOGNITION TO SOLVE A PERENNIAL PROBLEM

94%
Cuervo H.
Pedagogický časopis (Journal of Pedagogy)
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2020
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vol. 11
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issue 1
127 – 146
EN
The last Australian government review on rural education reveals that staffing schools continues to be a challenge. To examine this problem, the paper draws on data from semi-structured interviews with pre-service teachers undertaking rural school placement. The aim is to address rural school staffing through a bi-dimensional social justice approach by drawing on a politics of distribution and recognition. While distributive justice has always been at the centre of the problem, it is argued that a solution might also encompass a politics of recognition that puts “place” as a significant category to understand the complexities of rural staffing.
4
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PATHWAYS TO INTEGRATION: LESSONS FROM AUSTRALIA’S HUMANITARIAN RESETTLEMENT PROGRAM

83%
Losoncz I.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2017
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vol. 43
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issue 3(165)
27-46
EN
The increased demand for refugee admissions and resettlement in developed countries makes it important for host countries to understand the refugee integration process. Yet, the literature on processes and pathways driving and facilitating integration is under-theorised, poorly understood, and in need of systematic research. This paper contributes to advancing our understanding of integration processes and the interaction between individual actions, social connections, and structural pathways by using the analytical framework of Merton’s (1968) theory on goals and means. Australia has been involved in the UNHCR resettlement program since 1977 and is one of the top three resettlement countries in the world. Despite considerable experience and policy and program efforts, humanitarian migrants experience lower economic and social integration than other immigrants, even after controlling for a range of factors such as human capital or pre-migration experiences. Drawing on data from an ethnographic study with recently settled South Sudanese refugees, and a longitudinal survey of humanitarian migrants in Australia, I demonstrate that the main reason for this poor outcome is a lack of accessible pathways to refugee migrants. I conclude by discussing the merits of host countries focusing their settlement policies on the processes of integration to ensure that resettled refugees have accessible pathways to turn their personal resources into economic and social participation.
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Neznámý příběh českého exilu: Josef Kučík a Sdružení Lidé dobré vůle v Západní Austrálii, 1950–1969

83%
Miller J.
Moderní dějiny: sborník k dějinám 19. a 20. století (Modern History: Studies into 19th and 20th century history)
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2012
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vol. 20
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issue 2
211-233
EN
The number of Czech and Slovak post-February (1948) exiles in Australia, according to the Australian national census of 1954, amounted to some 10 to 12 thousand people referred to as displaced persons. The rather high number was mainly due to the fact that Australia offered the shortest repatriation waiting time and, at least at the turn of the 1940s, actively fostered immigration from Europe. For that purpose the Australian government launched a media campaign that found its echo primarily in the refugee camps in Germany and Austria. The group of Czech post-February (1948) exiles, numbering some 400-500 persons in the 1950s, was developing rather separately (perhaps even in voluntary isolation) from the main exile centers. The above group in Australian exile faced many personal, collective, organizational, financial and political controversies and problems. In the fall of 1969 the first stage of Czech and Slovak emigration to Western Australia was closed and another stage started in connection with the new wave of post-August (1968) exiles.
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IS BEING DIFFERENT AND THE SAME? THE PARADOXES OF ‘TAILORING’ IN EDUCATION QUASI - MARKETS

71%
Savage G. C.
Pedagogický časopis (Journal of Pedagogy)
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2012
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vol. 3
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issue 2
279 – 302
EN
In Australia, market-based education policies promote the notion that government schools should flexibly tailor secondary education to the needs of young people and their local communities. Far from offering a “one size fits all” system, policies seek to enable clients (parents, students) to exercise freedom of choice in quasi-markets that offer different educational products to different individuals. The intended effect is a kind of bespoke education tailoring, whereby schools operate as flexible service providers, adapting to the needs and desires of local markets. In this paper, the author analyses the policy turn towards market tailoring as part of broader shifts towards advanced liberal governance in education. Following this, the author features interviews with educators in two socially disparate government secondary schools in the Australian city of Melbourne. In doing so, the author analyses the extent to which each school tailors its marketing practices to its local community. These interviews suggest inherent contradictions emerge when tailoring is attempted in a hierarchical market with normative and rigid indicators of ‘brand value’. Schools are caught between paradoxical demands, requiring them to be simultaneously different and the same.
7

DOING STATE POLICY AT PRESCHOOL: AN AUTO-ETHNOGRAPHIC TALE OF UNIVERSAL ACCESS TO ECEC IN AUSTRALIA

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Millei Z., Gobby B., Gallagher J.
Pedagogický časopis (Journal of Pedagogy)
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2017
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vol. 8
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issue 1
33 – 55
EN
In 2009, the Australian states and territories signed an agreement to provide 15 hours per week of universal access to quality early education to all children in Australia in the year before they enter school. Taking on board the international evidence about the importance of early education, the Commonwealth government made a considerable investment to make universal access possible by 2013. We explore the ongoing processes that seek to make universal access a reality in New South Wales by attending to the complex agential relationships between multiple actors. While we describe the state government and policy makers’ actions in devising funding models to drive changes, we prioritise our gaze on the engagement of a preschool and its director with the state government’s initiatives that saw them develop various funding and provision models in response. To offer accounts of their participation in policy making and doing at the preschool, we use the director’s autobiographical notes. We argue that the state’s commitment to ECEC remained a form of political manoeuvring where responsibility for policy making was pushed onto early childhood actors. This manoeuvring helped to silence and further fragments the sector, but these new processes also created spaces where the sector can further struggle for recognition through the very accountability measures that the government has introduced.
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SPATIAL PERSPECTIVES ON BABIES’ WAYS OF BELONGING IN INFANT EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATION AND CARE

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Sumsion J., Harrison L. J., Stapleton M.
Pedagogický časopis (Journal of Pedagogy)
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2018
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vol. 9
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issue 1
109 – 131
EN
In this article, we endeavour to think spatially about the texture of infants’ everyday lives and their ways of ‘doing’ belonging in the babies’ room in an Australian early childhood education and care centre. Drawing on data from a large, multiple case-study project, and on theorisations of space that reject Euclidean notions of space as empty, transparent, relatively inert containers into which people, objects practices and artefacts are inserted, and instead emphasise space as complex, dynamic and relational, we map the navigating movements (Massumi, 2002) of baby Nadia. Through the telling of ‘stories-so-far’ (Massey, 2005), we convey how Nadia, as part of a constellation or assemblage of human and non-human beings, found ways to intensify space and to mobilise new vantage points, thus expanding the spatial possibilities of what we initially took to be a particularly confined and confining space.
9
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POSTOJ A VZTAH AUSTRÁLIE A KANADY VŮČI COMMONWEALTH REALMS

71%
Voltrová H.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2017
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vol. 6
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issue 2
69 – 84
EN
The aim of this paper is to compare the attitude of Australia and Canada to Commonwealth Realms and (British) monarchy. Commonwealth Realms is unofficial group consisting of 16 states which share Queen Elisabeth II. as their Head of State. Even though it is very difficult to identify the exact attitudes of citizens and politicians to this political arrangement in the countries mentioned above, it is possible to observe at least some tendencies. The question of republicanism is very closely related to this topic. Therefore, it is included as a part of the analysis in the presented text.
10
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POLSKO-ŻYDOWSKIE DOŚWIADCZENIA, AUSTRALIJSKIE WYZWANIA – RYSZARD KRYGIER NA ANTYPODACH

67%
Lencznarowicz J.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2016
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vol. 42
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issue 1 (159)
69-97
PL
Ryszard Krygier (1917–1986), dziennikarz, wydawca i przedsiębiorca, urodził się i zdobył wykształcenie w Warszawie. W czasie II wojny światowej przez Litwę, ZSRR i Japonię dotarł do Australii. Jego bogate życie i godna uwagi rola w politycznych i ideologicznych sporach w powojennej Australii nie są w Polsce znane. Artykuł ma dwa cele: zarysowanie biografii Ryszarda Krygiera i zbadanie związku między jego polskożydowskim dziedzictwem i doświadczeniem zdobytym w międzywojennej Polsce oraz pod radziecka okupacją na początku wojny, a jego zaangażowaniem w australijską politykę i życie kulturalne. To, co może wydawać się przeciwieństwami: prokomunistyczne sympatie Krygiera w drugiej połowie lat 30. z jednej strony i jego konsekwentny antykomunizm w Australii w późniejszych latach z drugiej, były w istocie dwoma obliczami jego sprzeciwu wobec totalitarnych zagrożeń w XX w. Był on zakorzeniony w europejskich doświadczeniach Krygiera i jego rozumieniu zarówno nazizmu, jak i komunizmu, które skłoniły go do organizowania oporu przeciwko komunistycznej ideologii i propagandzie w Australii w okresie zimnej wojny.
EN
Richard Krygier (1917–1986), journalist, publisher and businessman, was born and educated in Warsaw, and during World War II migrated to Australia via Lithuania, the USSR, and Japan. His eventful life and notable contributions to Australian post-war political and ideological debates are unknown in Poland. The purpose of this article is twofold. First,it will outline Krygier’s biography and explore the relationship between his Polish-Jewish heritage and his experiences in pre-war Poland as well as during the Soviet occupation of Eastern Poland at the beginning of the war. Second, the article will provide an overview of Richard Krygier’s involvement in Australian politics and cultural life. What might seem as the antipodes: his sympathies for communism in the second half of the 1930s on the one hand, and his consistent anticommunism in Australia in subsequent years on the other, were in fact two sides of his opposition to totalitarian threats in the twentieth century. It was rooted in Krygier’s European experience and understanding of both Nazism and Communism and led him to organise resistance to the spread of the communist ideology and propaganda during the Cold War.
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