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EN
In the reviewed material, the three historians decided to publish an excerpt from the large and unpublished work of the former Czechoslovak intelligence officer, František Fárek. The paper deals with the development of Austrian or Austro-Hungarian military intelligence, while the author himself based his ideas on the works already published. The materials by František Fárek are written engagingly, with his drafting skills being also confirmed by the memorial work issued later, entitled Stopy mizí v archivu (The Traces Disappear in the Archive). In terms of composition, the paper consists of a broader introduction and the very transcription of the passage mentioned above. The percipient comes across the case of a text incorporated in the text, with some moments being duplicate in both parts.
Vojenská história
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2019
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vol. 23
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issue 1
94 - 122
EN
The last Austro-Hungarian offensive on the so called southwest battlefield was accompanied by intense deployment of air forces. The air operations were carried out over and around the front virtually in its whole length - from the regions of former south Tyrol up to the Piava River basin. It was over Piava, where the Italians deployed numerous bomber formations, attacking the bridge constructions, roads, infantry assembly points or other strategic targets. Moreover, enemy air fighters were strafing the soldiers. The weaker K. u. k. Luftfahrtruppen, both in terms of quantity and quality, were active since the first hours of the offensive and in spite of suffering heavy losses, their pilots achieved several accomplishments in the air. The study is aimed at introducing the air war above the Piava River during the last Austro-Hungarian offensive in June 1918 and at the same time the last great deployment of air force of the Danube monarchy.
Vojenská história
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2019
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vol. 23
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issue 2
93 - 115
EN
The author's published contribution represents and interprets three archival documents regarding a rebellion of the reserve infantry battalion 71 in the occupied Kragujevac in 1918. In terms of composition, the contribution is divided in a broader introduction, the three documents and an overview of the used sources and literature. In the relatively extensive first part, the author handles critically several issues related to the state of research and knowledge of the said rebellion. In particular, he assesses critically the work by Marián Hronský (Rebellion of the Slovak Soldiers In Kragujevac), issued in 1988.Even if several critical observations are valid, it is also necessary to consider the period when the work in question originated as well as the fact that this is basically a book of popular science. The first part of the contribution exceeds the scope of editorial introduction to the three documents which are presented as Annexes 1, 2 and 3, handling a wider scope of the issue concerned, in particular the historiographical processing of the rebellion, stories and actions of individual actors of the rebellion, executions and the relationship of the historical event and politics, etc. In conclusion of the contribution, three documents related to the rebellion are published. This is firstly the transcription of the dateless report of the first lieutenant Erwin Deutsch on the events (1), transcription of the testimony of the sergeant Anton Jakubík from 1922 (2) and finally the report of the reserve battalion, Lt. Col. A. Marx of 3 June 1918 (3).
EN
The social question was a substantial aspect of the transformation of the feudal agrarian country into a modern industrial society and of the related dissolution of the patriarchal system of rule and care. Therefore, it cannot be reduced, as is often the case, to mere pauperism and the workers’ question. The social question meant something more and embraced a wide range of facets. From the Great Depression of 1873 at the latest it was apparent that the social conditions constituted a problem concerning the whole society. That means that not only the problems of industry workers, but also those of trade and small business, as well as of agriculture and of the new middle class of white-collar workers were viewed much more than before as parts of the social question. Associated with this was also the discussion on the form of social system. Although the Austrian Empire in July 1914 was still far from being a social state, major steps were taken in that direction by the legislation and government trying to carry through social theoretical postulates. In spite of the fact that their effectiveness was declining under the conditions of permanent political crisis after 1900, the legislation showed that the Austrian Empire, irrespective of the escalating nationalist disputes, was reformable. Eventually, however, all hopes placed by the governments and the forces endeavoring to preserve the state proved false. The vision of national state appeared to be much more attractive to the political protagonists as well as to the political public than the utopia of modern social state.
EN
The reign of Charles I (IV) was a period of disintegration in the history of Austria-Hungary. After the death of Franz Joseph I, the situation in the Habsburg Monarchy became ever more complicated and not only in the field of foreign policy. The internal crisis of the empire also deepened. The monarch, whose position in the Kingdom of Hungary was significantly weakening, attempted during his reign, to shape a united elite of the monarchy, a nobility, which would be loyal to the ruling house in future generations. The exclusive right to grant decorations, titles and orders gave the monarch the possibility to support pro-Habsburg oriented circles in the individual crown lands and reward their patriotism. Charles I (IV) continued the policy of Franz Joseph and in the course of the 24 months of his reign, he granted some degree of noble status to more than a 1000 people. A large part of the materials revealing the background to his decisions is deposited in the archive of the former cabinet office in Vienna.
EN
The aim of the study is to summarize the development of the Jewish nobility, which meant people of Jewish religion or origin in the Danubian Monarchy and especially to identify specific features of their ennoblement. It covers the development of the granting of noble titles to these persons and attempts to identify the main milestones of ennoblement. It also compares the ennoblement policies of the Austrian and Prussian monarchs in relation to individuals of Jewish religion and origin.
Vojenská história
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2016
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vol. 20
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issue 3
94 - 110
EN
The author of the published material states that in 1915, after Italy got involved in the World War I on the Alliance part and the Italian frontline originated, the Austro-Hungarian troops on the Eastern frontline started to reorganize. Within the 27th Infantry brigade, 14th Infantry division, the 71st infantry regiment was included in the 2nd army. Later on, its soldiers also got to the Italian front, fighting for example in the battle at the river Piave. The document submitted – diary of the former Infantry regiment 71 – only originated, as suggested by its title, after the World War 1 was over. The document comprises typed records from 31 July 1914 to November 1918. These records are complemented by proposals for awards for individual persons along with the description of their merits, as well as sketches and drawings of several battles. It can be assumed that the diary originated with the aim to present the operation of the 71st Infantry regiment during the war, whether through the archival fund or for purpose of its printed publication. The diary is located in the Military Archive in Vienna, in the file Archiv der Trupperkörpern.
8
Content available remote

Legionárske spomienky, zápisníky a denníky

88%
EN
The authors of the contribution focused on diaries and recollections of the Austrian-Hungarian troops members, captured at different fronts in World War I (in Serbia, Russia, and Italy), who later joined the Czechoslovak volunteer armed forces - the Czechoslovak legions. On an example of recorded memories of French legionnaire A. Sima, Italian legionnaire V. Valnicek and Russian legionnaire A. Sikura, the authors explain the circumstances at the time when World War I broke out, the moods and opinions of inhabitants, the mobilisation and leaving for the front, the baptism of fire at the fronts, the trials and horrors of war. Their diaries demonstrate clearly, how they as private soldiers and the civil inhabitants experienced the apocalyptic moments brought by the worldwide conflict to the proximity of the fronts and the rear, their everyday life and the importance of the memories of their relatives at home and of the rare correspondence with them. As immediate witnesses of significant political and military events from 1914-1918, when the future fate of Czechs and Slovaks and their common state - the Czechoslovak Republic - was decided, they provide a conclusive picture of those difficult times. Their records from war years, which were completed and even printed later, helped to keep the essential and even less essential experiences from that period in individual mind of their relatives and in collective mind of the nation. Frequently, they give also the historians, military historians, ethnologists and other experts very detailed and from other sources unknown information.
EN
Anton Szmolen (1856 – 1939) worked as a lackey at the Vienna court of the Emperor Franz Joseph from 1894 to 1910. Therefore, his manuscript memoirs are a remarkable source of information on how a Slovak came into immediate proximity to the monarch and his family, and how he remained loyal practically until his death. No less interesting is the mystification around this person, which made Szmolen’s memoirs an excellent example of manipulation and distortion, which he even believed himself to some extent. Even more interesting than his military and court career is the virtual life of Anton Szmolen. In the 20th century Hungarian political and intellectual discourse, his name became a symbol of Vienna, the hated court clique and its arrogance. He appeared in this function in caricatures in humorous magazines, in the theatre, songs and parliament. The Emperor and Vienna were indirectly attacked through Szmolen. This symbol also survived beyond the period of Szmolen’s service and even the fall of the Monarchy. Szmolen’s name was gradually transformed and acquired a wider meaning as a symbol of treason, lackeyism and service to foreign powers. It was used with this meaning even in the recent past.
EN
Anton Szmolen (1856 – 1939) worked as a servant at the Vienna court of the Emperor Franz Joseph from the 1894 to 1910. Therefore, his manuscript memoirs are a remarkable source of information on how a Slovak came into immediate proxi-mity to the monarch and his family, and how he remained loyal practically until his death. No less interesting is the mystification around this person, which made Szmolen’s memoirs an excellent example of manipulation and distortion, which he even believed himself to some extent. Even more interesting than his military and court career is the virtual life of Anton Szmolen. In the 20th century Hungarian political and intellectual discourse, his name became a symbol of Vienna, the hated court clique and its arrogance. He appeared in this function in caricatures in humorous magazines, in the theatre, songs and parliament. The Emperor and Vienna were indirectly attacked through Szmolen. This symbol also survived beyond the period of Szmolen’s service and even the fall of the Monarchy. Szmolen’s name was gradually transformed and acquired a wider meaning as a symbol of treason, lackeyism and service to foreign powers. It was used with this meaning even in the recent past.
EN
The paper analyses the British foreign policy towards the Austria-Hungary from the beginning of 20th century until the First World War (next WW I) 1 on a background of the whole world political context. Its goals are to define main characteristics of the policy, particularly toward the solution of national problems in the Habsburg monarchy. Britain at the period was interested first of all for preservation of its own colonial empire across the world, so that Europe did not belong between its priorities. Therefore Britain applied a non-active foreign policy towards European countries including the Austria-Hungary and its ally – expanding Germany. Moreover, therefore a liberal party in power in Britain, who tried to avoid wars and played the role of a peace-maker. However, crisis in South Europe and Balkan wars rapid changed the British foreign policy that became more active towards the Habsburg monarchy. The authors also analysed whether Britain was interested for solution of national problems in the Austria-Hungary, including effort of Slovaks for the independence, which was similarly as Britain a conglomerate of many nations. Britain was not very keen to find solution of these problems because it was a similar multinational empire with own troubles. Overcautious British foreign policy towards Europe on the contrary provoked at some intellectuals in Britain, such as R.W. Seton-Watson and Wickham Steed that are interested for solution of the national problem. They presented in the press articles their own proposals for foreign policy. According to them if the British government more supported national question it could help the Austria-Hungary to become more powerful and stabile Central European power and the barrier of German expansion.
EN
The formation and activity of associations in Austria-Hungary was a result of the modernization and creation of civil society. The present study deals with political associations or clubs in Pressburg during the age of Dualism. The aim of the study is to find out how the structure of local politics was formed in terms of membership in the political club, and what strategies were used by the local political elites in Pressburg to gain greater social prestige. My goal is also to characterize the political behaviour of the representatives and to analyse the contemporary discourse in the local press. My aim is to find out how the activities of the Pressburg political elites were perceived in the German-language newspapers. Based on my findings, it can be said that support for the Liberal Party prevailed among the voters in Pressburg during Dualism, even after the constitutional crisis of 1905, when the party lost its government position in Hungary. The strategies by which the representatives of political associations strengthened their position were charity, personal ties, candidate lists, agitation, corruption, and criticism of rival candidates in the press. The newspapers pointed out incompetence, the absence of members of the municipal committee at general meetings, as well as the postponement of important decisions. This criticism of local political practice is evidence of gradual democratization, which could be followed by the first Czechoslovak Republic after 1918.
EN
The study analyses the proposal to federalize the Monarchy contained in the work The United States of Greater Austria (1906). Its author was a political representative of the Transylvanian Rumanians in the Kingdom of Hungary, Aurel C. Popovici (1863 – 1917). His work appeared in a period of crisis for the Monarchy and represented a proposal for its solution by means of the constitutional reform. Popovici proposed the formation of 15 federal states headed by the Emperor and central government in Vienna. This proposal is analysed in the study in the wider context of the political situation in the Habsburg Monarchy. As a comparative framework for the interpretation of Popovici’s ideas, the study also analyses the thinking of the Austro-Marxists, specifically K. Renner and O. Bauer. They were working on projects to reform the Monarchy at the same time.
Vojenská história
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2018
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vol. 22
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issue 1
144 - 160
EN
In this article, the author briefly presents the history of building the Przemyśl fortification complex, which had been the most important Austro-Hungarian fortress since the 19th century, analysing the implementation of individual fortification projects. One of the fortresses in the Halič territory built during the rise of Austria-Hungary was intended to play the role of protecting the easternmost part of the Monarchy, as well as the protection of roads to the east. In the early 20th century, this was one of the largest fortresses in Europe. During the World War 1, the fortress became the arena of a number of bloody battles. The author summarises that since 17 September 1914 until 3 June 1915, with a few breaks, Przemyśl survived 182 battle days, taking the lives of about 100,000 of Austro-Hungarian, Russian and German soldiers, as well as civilians. After acquiring Przemyśl from Russians, the Austro-Hungarian general staff did not consider transforming it to a fortress again. They decided to turn it into a temporary fortified bridgehead for the protection of the important road and railway roads. Nowadays, Przemyśl is a small Polish town in terms of area and population (67,000). It is located on the Polish-Ukraine border and a part of the forward forts belonging to the I Salis-Soglio fort lies on the Ukraine side. The remaining forts of the Przemyśl complex lie on the Polish side of the border. It is the I Salis-Soglio fort that belongs to the best preserved and we may say also the most magnificent remains of the once powerful Przemyśl. In conclusion, the author mentions the work of the National Museum, which administrates this famous fortification complex, making it accessible to the public. The contribution also mentions the current condition of its individual parts.
EN
The study analyses the proposal to federalize the Monarchy contained in the work The United States of Greater Austria (1906). Its author Aurel C. Popovici (1863 – 1917) was a political representative of the Transylvanian Rumanians in the Kingdom of Hungary. His work appeared in a period of crisis of the monarchy and represented a proposal for its solution by means of constitutional reform. Popovici proposed the formation of 15 federal states headed by the Emperor with the central government in Vienna. This proposal is analysed in the study in the wider context of the political situation in the Habsburg Monarchy. As a comparative framework for the interpretation of Popovici’s ideas, the study also analyses the thinking of the Austro-Marxists, specifically K. Renner and O. Bauer. They were working on projects to reform the Monarchy at the same time as Aurel C. Popovici.
Vojenská história
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2017
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vol. 21
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issue 2
162 - 167
EN
In the published material, the author introduces the readers to the life stories of the Austro-Hungarian Air Force pilot of Slovak origin, Ľudovít Dait. He was born on 2 January 1894 in the municipality of Cajla (nowadays a part of Pezinok). After the outburst of the World War 1, he was presumably recruited for the Hungarian Home Guard. In 1916, he joined the air unit, Fliegerkompanie 9, which operated at the airport Podhajce at Ternopiľ in Halič. In 1917, he was transferred to Fliegerkompanie 1 in Novi Sad. He died on 30 August 1917 during a flight accident and was buried in Novi Sad. During his short life, he received several accolades – Karol’s Military Cross, II. Class Silver Medal for Bravery and I. Class Silver Medal for Bravery. The text is suitably accompanied by photographs of Ľudovít Dait, his pilot license, preserve in the Small Carpathian Museum in Pezinok, as well as the Hansa – Brandenburg biplane.
EN
Until the fall of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, Eastern Slovakia and present-day Transcarpathia (Zakarpattia; until 1919 Hungarian Rus’; between 1919 and 1939 Subcarpathian Rus’) were peripheral territories, which were reflected in the harsh living conditions of their inhabitants and consequent mass emigration. In Hungary Slovaks and Rusyns facing not only economic but also national discrimination (Magyarization), provided support to each other. They welcomed Czechoslovakia as a state in which their position would significantly change. However, while, in the case of Slovaks, there was gradual national unification and constitutionalization, the Rusyns divided into three ethnic groups – Rusyn, Ukrainian and Russian. At the same time, the existing cooperation between Slovaks and Rusyns was impaired by the difficulty of solving the conflict regarding the territory of north-eastern Slovakia (where both populations lived).
EN
The study deals with the personality of Ivan Markovič and his activity during the World War 1, as an active participant of the Czechoslovak resistance in Russia. The article maps Markovič's journey from the prison camp to the resistance organisational structures. At the same time, it studies the main issues influencing the participation of Slovaks in the resistance. Firstly, there was an opinion split among the Slovak representatives on the future political orientation of the Slovak statehood. Secondly, there were organisational issues during the recruitment of Slovaks into the Czechoslovak legions and last but not least, the complexity of relationships of the Slovak resistance representatives to their Czech colleagues. The study strives to determine, what role Markovič took in the means of solving these issues, until his departure for Paris in 1918.
19
Content available remote

Príbeh československých légií

75%
EN
The essay provides a brief summarizing overview on the development and history of the Czechoslovak volunteer armed forces in the years of World War I., an introduction to the issue of the development and functioning of armad units that - fighting together with the Entente powers (Russia, France, Great Britain, and Italy) - contributed to the creation of the independent Czechoslovak Republic in 1918. The author depicts the development of an idea to create resistant movement of Czechs and Slovaks, which led to the establishment of political centre of the Czech (later Czechoslovak) National Council with the seat in Paris and under the leadership of Tomas Garrigue Masaryk, Edvard Benes, and Milan Rastislav Stefanik. He also devotes himself to the period beginning with creation of the first units fighting with the Entente powers until the time when the Czechoslovak Brigade fighting in the battle of Zborov (2 July 1917), the individual divisions in Russia, France, Italy and even the Czechoslovak Corps in revolutionary Russia were set up. The essay commemorates also the anabasis of Russian legions on their way from Ukraine through Siberia to Vladivostok and their return back home in 1920. The conclusion of the essay informs about the next fates of legionnaires at home, about the legionnaire organizations, the significance of legionnaire traditions for new Czechoslovak army, the participation of legionnaires in the second resistant movement (1938-1945), the communist persecution of legionnaires and the renewal and work of the Czechoslovak Legionnaires Community after 1989. It puts stress on the need to recall the history of legions in order to bring up young people to patriotism and to strengthen the national identity.
Vojenská história
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2019
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vol. 23
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issue 3
44 - 65
EN
In the study, the author deals with the operation of Jozef Kiss, a native of Bratislava that belonged to the most successful pilots of the Austro-Hungarian aviation. He achieved 19 confirmed victories, serving in the Flik 24 units (or Flik 24F) and Flik 55J units, finally falling in the aerial combat on the 24th May 1918. The author studied archival documents stored in the Roman military archive as well as in the Roman aviation archive, containing interesting and little known facts from the life of this aviator. Moreover, they aptly complement the data from the funds stored in the Vienna Kriegsarchive. The study deals with the operation of Jozef Kiss on the front in South Tyrol, clarifying the equipment of his home field airport in Pergin as well as operations of the enemy Italian aviation over the Valsugana valley area. Italian archival documents also contain information about the air victories of Jozef Kiss, in particular on the 25th August 1916 and 13th July 1917, achievements of his Flik 55J fighter unit in the fall of 1917 or in the last flight of this pilot.
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