Search results

1

Relacje amerykańsko-afgańskie w latach 1963-1978

100%

Jureńczyk Ł.

In Gremium. Studia nad Historią, Kulturą i Polityką

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2015

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vol. 9

103-113

EN

The article raises the issue of the relationship between the United States and Afghanistan in the years 1963-1978. The subject of the analysis are political and economic relations between the partners. The author points out the motivations of American and Afghan authorities and barriers to collaboration. They are shown on the background of internal events in Afghanistan and the international context, including the global rivalry between the United States and the Soviet Union .

2

NATO beyond Afghanistan: A U.S. View on the ISAF Mission and the Future of the Alliance

100%

Nordenman M.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2014

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issue 2

13-26

EN

Many in Washington have drawn the conclusion that NATO largely failed in Afghanistan, in no small part due to insufficient political will in Europe coupled with lacklustre military capabilities and forces contributed by America’s NATO allies. However, on closer examination, this conclusion about America’s European allies appears hasty. Indeed, European nations have exhibited a surprising level of political will, considering the circumstances, and the Afghanistan mission has generated a major, and sometimes painful, transformation of European forces towards a more expeditionary construct. This is precisely what Washington has sought from its allies in Europe since the end of the Cold War.

3

Polish Special Operations Forces: Role and Missions in Afghanistan

100%

Kuśmirek K.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2015

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issue 3

31-38

EN

Polish Special Operations Forces have participated in missions abroad, for example, in Afghanistan. In the initial phase, special forces soldiers were assigned to the tasks that could be performed by conventional military units, such as protection of bases, but over time the situation changed. Their actions contributed to stabilising the situation in the region and indirectly resulted in increased international security. During the operations, soldiers released hostages and confiscated weapons. In this way they disrupted the opponent, because the losses incurred by terrorists led to the depreciation of the position of the leaders of the terrorist networks. In addition to special operations, soldiers were preparing “Afghani Tigers” officers to carry out activities independently, and to ensure safety after the coalition forces left the region. Cooperation of soldiers with the Afghan officers is the proof of success in building positive relationships. Implementation of special operations by special forces soldiers led to their gaining new experience, and to the modernisation of armaments and verification of procedures. The activities conducted proved that Polish special forces are a reliable partner.

4

The German Bundeswehr after Afghanistan: A Return to Which “Normality?”

80%

Sangar E.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2014

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issue 2

27-42

EN

This paper aims at shedding some light on the impact of the ISAF mission on the German armed forces. First, a short overview of the essential operational and strategic dynamics of the Bundeswehr’s ISAF deployment between 2003 and 2013 will be presented. Then, some of the resulting changes in operational design and military discourses are presented, including the perceived need for a “return” to classical war-fighting capabilities. Related to this, the third section presents some fundamental influences on the future of the Bundeswehr, including the impact on force evolution and organisational identity. In the conclusion, a few resulting consequences for the future shape of German security policy are discussed.

5

A Story of Change: Poland’s Armed Forces and the ISAF Operation in Afghanistan

80%

Piekarski M.

The Polish Quarterly of International Affairs

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2014

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issue 2

79-100

EN

Have there been any changes in Poland’s security policy, doctrines or armed forces that are connected to the operation in Afghanistan? If the answer is yes, and available information clearly indicates that it is, what are those changes? Are they positive? Negative? Can we say, after a long “Afghanistan experience,” that the Polish armed forces are better prepared to conduct operations in the contemporary security environment?

6

Over the Khyber Afghans and South Asia – History of Contacts

80%

Kuczkiewicz-Fraś A.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2016

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issue 40

49-65

EN

Political, economic and cultural connections between Afghanistan and South Asia have been long‑lasting and strong throughout the centuries, not only because of the geographical closeness of the regions, but also due to the genetic relationship of their peoples. In the 21st century, due to rapid geopolitical changes and globalization the mutual relations of these two regions are becoming more and more important, not only on bilateral level, but also from the point of view of the regional and international interests. The aim of this article is to concisely show how the relations between Afghanistan and South Asia developed over the history, with special attention given to the current state of affair.

7

Afghanistan’s Civil War (1979-1989): Illegal and Failed Foreign Interventions

80%

Terry P. C. R.

Polish Yearbook of International Law

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2011

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vol. 31

107-164

EN

For about ten years now people in NATO member states have, on a daily basis, been confronted with the faltering attempts by their troops to create a semblance of stability in Afghanistan. It is now widely recognized that Afghanistan has become an intractable international problem. This article, however, focuses on previous attempts to impose solutions. Beginning in the late 1970s and continuing throughout the 1980s, the two Cold War superpowers, the USSR and the USA, intervened in Afghanistan’s affairs. In this article the legality, under international law, of those efforts is examined. This requires an extensive analysis of international law as applicable to external interventions in civil wars. It will be demonstrated that neither the USSR’s invasion of Afghanistan, nor the USA’s massive support of the Afghan rebels, was reconcilable with international law. Considering the fact that these ill-advised interventions in Afghanistan backfired on both superpowers, they constitute a good object lesson to demonstrate that the prohibition of external interventions in civil wars not only reflects what international law demands, but is also simple common sense. Recent interventions in Bahrain and Libya are also briefly examined as to their legality, and this examination includes projections whether the unsatisfactory results of the Afghanistan interventions will be replicated there.

8

WPŁYW UDZIAŁU ŻOŁNIERZY W MISJI STABILIZACYJNEJ W AFGANISTANIE NA FUNKCJONOWANIE ICH RODZIN. WYNIKI BADAŃ EMPIRYCZNYCH WBBS WCEO

80%

Predel G.

Colloquium Wydziału Nauk Humanistycznych i Społecznych AMW

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2017

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issue 1

85-104

EN

All around the world the armed forces observe negative impact of stress experienced by soldiers on their psychosocial functioning. If you create the system of aid to veterans and their families, you must take into account the needs. The empirical study conducted by Wojskowe Centrum Edukacji Obywatelskiej in 2013 has showed, that 31% soldiers returning from Afghanistan suffer from different symptoms of emotional disorder (it certainly is not neutral to the functioning of their families), 14% note worse relations with spouse(s)/partner, 14% note worse relations with children. The study has confirmed that the severity of these problems correlates with the degree of exposure to traumatic situations. You must note that some of the soldiers informed about the positive effects of soldiers’ deployment on their family relationships, spouse(s)/partner or children.

9

Risk Management Responses to Armed Non-State Actor Risk in Afghanistan

80%

Simpson J.

International Review of Social Research

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2015

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vol. 5

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issue 3

156-166

EN

The article considers responses by different categories of actor to the threat of armed non-state actors in the international intervention in Afghanistan 2001-2015. Concepts from the sociology of risk, in particular risk-management and the distinction between operational and reputational risk, are related to field research in Afghanistan during the intervention. The ‘risk society’ approach of Beck (2009) is critiqued as relatively inapplicable to a discussion of differences in risks to and responses by different categories of actor. The article identifies some convergences of practice across three categories of intervening actor, civil-developmental, counter-insurgent and counter-terrorist, in particular tendencies to risk-transfer and remote-management that draws together theorisation of civil practice by Duffield (2010) and military practice by Shaw (2002). This is problematised relative to difficulties in managing tensions between operational risks to intervening actors and reputational risks vis-à-vis local actors.

10

Kohabitacja po afgańsku. Polityka dla cierpliwych

80%

Wańczyk K.

Sprawy Międzynarodowe

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2016

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issue 1

74-88

EN

The article deals with the functioning of the National Unity Government in the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. The formation of a government embracing both candidates that participated in the second round of 2014 presidential elections—Dr Ashraf Ghani as the president and Dr Abdullah Abdullah as the “CEO”—ensured a peaceful transfer of power, but a closer look at the National Unity Government reveals threats to its long-term stability. Those are rooted in the traditional expectations of the winners, as Ghani’s advocates look forward to high positions and money. At the same time, Ashraf Ghani is alienating some of his supporters, probably due to his genuine determination to reform the Afghan state. This could undermine his position, strengthening former president Hamid Karzai, who still has a say in internal Afghan politics, or Abdullah Abdullah. Another factor undermining the stability of the government in Kabul is the ongoing conflict with the Taliban and the presence of Daesh representatives in Afghanistan. Hence this government is an important experiment in the political history of the country, in particular due to the peaceful transfer of power, but the process has not been completed yet.

11

Cross Cultural Awareness in International Military Operation: International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan

80%

Brudnicka J.

Securitologia

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2015

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issue 1(21)

89-101

EN

Multiculturalism defined as a multitude of cultures can be typified as a major trend in international relations, what is a chellenge for every participant of global affairs. The phenomen of multiculturalism is absolutely nothing new, but under conditions of progresive globalisation mechanism its importance has been appreciated.In practise multinational forces have to operate in culturally heterogeneous environment in an array of tasks to combat threats of mostly a non-military transnational nature. All the time there are a highly complex relations within coalition personnel, in cuturally diverse society living in the theatre of operation and between all them mutually.

12

Afghanistan’s Media Developments and Challenges in the Past Two Decades: A Short Glance at Media Freedom

80%

Masomy M. J.

Reality of Politics

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2022

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issue 19

64-77

EN

Media, during Taliban five years period from 1996-2001, had been totally suffocated. Only limited number of print media would publish to spread the propaganda of Taliban Emirate under Sharia Law. Post-Taliban era, media landscape obtained new image with the establishment of democratic government. Independent media were allowed to operate in accordance with the formation of new constitution of 2004. Afghanistan to rise and promote the voice of right, equality and justice, defend human rights and spread public awareness in order to serve for social responsibilities. Despite continued challenges media outlets and journalists have made tremendous progress which it has resulted in harm of their personal life from time to time due to threats of insecurity, war, warlords, strongmen, corrupted actors in government as well as in attacks of Taliban and ISIS insurgents. Hence, media outlets and journalists have been carrying on their responsibilities despite of availed risks to them and their families. In this paper, it has been viewed the status of media freedom, process of development and continued challenges to media freedom and journalists.

13

Afghan migrants in Iran in modern times

71%

Modrzejewska-Leśniewska J.

Studia z Polityki Publicznej

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2020

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vol. 7

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issue 4(28)

9-30

PL

Od dziesięcioleci Iran był dla Afgańczyków państwem zapewniającym miejsce pracy. To właśnie tutaj Afgańczycy znajdowali możliwość zarobienia pieniędzy, za które byli w stanie utrzymać swoje rodziny w kraju. Od chwili radzieckiej interwencji w Afganistanie w 1979 r. Iran stał się również miejscem schronienia dla około 3 mln afgańskich uchodźców. Sytuacja afgańskich pracowników i uchodźców ulegała zmianie w zależności od sytuacji wewnętrznej, jak i międzynarodowej Iranu. Stosunek irańskich władz do nich bywał przychylny, by wkrótce zmienić się radykalnie w stronę niechęci i prób pozbycia się afgańskich "gości". Tym samym Afgańczycy w Iranie nie mogli być pewni, jak długo będą mieli prawo tam przebywać, na jaką pomoc ze strony Irańczyków liczyć oraz czy nadal będą mieć pracę pozwalającą im utrzymać rodziny. Stan niepewności społeczności afgańskiej jeszcze bardziej pogłębił wybuch pandemii COVID-19, gdyż ani irański, ani afgański system opieki zdrowotnej nie są w stanie sobie z nią poradzić, a wobec załamania gospodarczego w Iranie pierwszymi ofiarami stali się cudzoziemcy niezależnie od ich statusu - również Afgańczycy. Głównym celem artykułu jest przedstawienie zmieniającej się i niepewnej sytuacji Afgańczyków w Iranie w ostatnich latach. Analiza dotyczy takich obszarów, jak: status prawny, edukacja, życie rodzinne czy też prawo do pracy. Uwzględniono tutaj także, oczywiście w ograniczonym zakresie, sytuację wewnętrzną Iranu, która niewątpliwie wpływała na położenie afgańskich emigrantów. Na podstawie przeprowadzonej analizy dostępnych materiałów można stwierdzić, że położenie Afgańczyków w Iranie było i jest bardzo mocno uzależnione od sytuacji Iranu i dobrej lub złej woli irańskich władz. Jednocześnie, ze względu na skomplikowaną sytuację Afganistanu, afgańscy emigranci znajdują się w sytuacji bez wyjścia i są "skazani" na pobyt w Iranie.

EN

For many decades Iran was a destination of economic immigration for Afghans. There, they could earn money to provide for their families at home. Since the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan in 1979, Iran also became a place of refuge for some 3 million Afghans. Their situation was changing according to the changes in the internal and international position of Iran. Sometimes the Iranian authorities were sympathetic; other times they were fiercely unsympathetic and keen to remove the Afghan "guests." So, the Afghans in Iran could not be sure how long they would be allowed to stay there, if the Iranians would be willing to support them, and if they would have work to provide for their families. This state of uncertainty of the Afghan community was worsened by an outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. Both the Iranian and Afghan healthcare systems are unable to effectively deal with the problem. And the economic collapse in Iran affected primarily the foreigners there of whatever stance, in this particular case, the Afghans. The main aim of the article is to present the changing and unstable situation of Afghans in Iran in recent years. The analysis covers areas such as their legal status, education, family life, or the right to work. It also takes into account, to a limited extent, the internal situation of Iran, which undoubtedly influenced the situation of Afghan migrants. Based on the analysis of the available materials, it can be concluded that the position of the Afghans in Iran was and is strongly dependent on the situation of Iran and the good or bad will of the Iranian authorities. At the same time, due to the complicated situation in Afghanistan, Afghan migrants find themselves in a hopeless situation and are "doomed" to stay in Iran.

14

President of the state in the Afghan Constitutions

71%

Modrzejewska-Leśniewska J.

Studia z Polityki Publicznej

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2015

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vol. 2

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issue 1(5)

137-157

PL

W większości państw świata zachodniego funkcjonuje instytucja prezydenta. W zależności od prerogatyw przyznanych mu przez konstytucję, jest on albo reprezentantem swojego państwa, albo też dysponuje realną władzą. Niezależnie od tego, jaką funkcję pełni prezydent, urząd ten jest mocno usadowiony w systemie politycznym, a przepisy konstytucyjne i praktyka polityczna precyzują zakres jego kompetencji i możliwości działania. Poza strefą euroatlantycką także spotykamy się z państwami, w których istnieje urząd prezydenta. Zazwyczaj przy jego kształtowaniu, świadomie lub nie, społeczeństwa Azji, Afryki czy Ameryki Południowej czerpały z euroatlantyckich doświadczeń. Jednak doświadczenia historyczne państw pozaeuropejskich sprawiają, że urząd ten ma tam z reguły znacznie krótszą tradycję, a jego wprowadzenie często było efektem gwałtownych przemian społeczno-politycznych. Tym, co często odróżnia prezydentury państw afrykańskich i azjatyckich od euroatlantyckich jest ich niestabilność - przy sprawowaniu urzędu wiele zależy od osobowości i cech charakteru osoby sprawującej urząd, jak również od tradycji (lub jej braku) silnej władzy centralnej. Posługując się tymi przesłankami można przedstawić tradycje prezydenckie takiego państwa pozaeuropejskiego jak Afganistan. Jest to ciekawy przypadek, gdyż bardzo wyraźnie widać w nim wspomniane uwarunkowania, a sytuacja wewnętrzna państwa jest niestabilna. Dodatkowo, ze względu na plan wycofania sił międzynarodowych z tego kraju do końca 2014 r., prezydent może stać się głównym podmiotem kreującym politykę publiczną, a co za tym idzie, przyszłość Afganistanu.

EN

The institution of the president exists in the majority of the countries of the western world. Depending on the prerogatives granted by the constitution, the president may perform either a representative function or have the real power. No matter what the role of the president is, the position is deeply embedded in the political system, and the constitutional law as well as political practice specify its scope of competencies and capabilities. When we go beyond the Euro-Atlantic area, we can also find the states where an office of president is run. While its formation, Asian, African and South American societies, consciously or not, usually emulated the Euro-Atlantic experiences. In general, historical background of the non-European states, however, makes the history of the presidential office shorter, and the introduction of this position was often a result of violent sociopolitical changes. What often distinguishes the presidencies of the African and Asian countries from the Euro-Atlantic ones is their instability - in running this office a lot depends on the personality traits of the person holding it as well as on the tradition (or lack thereof) of strong central governance. On that premise, the presidency history of a non-European state, i.e. Afghanistan can be presented. This is an interesting case since the above mentioned factors are clearly visible in here, and the state's internal political situation is unstable. In addition, as the international forces are supposed to be withdrawn from the country until the end of 2014, the president may then become the main body formulating public policy and, thus, shaping the future of Afghanistan.

15

Kontestacja wspólnej polityki bezpieczeństwa i obrony w Parlamencie Europejskim na przykładzie działań UE w Afganistanie w latach 2005‑2013

70%

Zubek M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2017

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issue 49

203-230

EN

Foreign policy, including the security policy, has traditionally been considered a domain of the public policy, where lower standards of parliamentary democraticcontrol and scrutiny can be employed. There is a belief among the policy‑makers, that in order to act effectively in this field, they should not be limited by the legislative power. This democratic deficit is even amplified on the international level, whenever an international organization is involved in implementing security policy. In spite of that fact, parliaments still retained the right to scrutinize security policies via debates, which reveal MPs approach towards state’s security policy. The main aim of this article is to analyze a case of democratic control over security policy on the international level, namely the security policy towards Afghanistan between 2005 and 2013 and its contestation in the European Parliament (EP). In order to do so a qualitative analysis of the plenary debates in the EP will be employed, which will reveal arguments used by the MEPs in order to justify certain policies, political claims directed to national and international institutions and contestation of the process of the formulation of the EU policy towards this particular security issue.

16

Co to znaczy być męczennikiem? Termin szahid w afgańskim i tadżyckim dyskursie politycznym w końcu XX w.

70%

Kłagisz M. M., Niechciał P.

Przegląd Orientalistyczny

|

2018

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issue 3-4 (267-268)

295-310

EN

This article is focused on the significance and the meaning of the term shahid in the context of the socio-political changes in Afghanistan and Tajikistan during the last two decades of the twentieth century. Press materials and other materials in the Dari, Pashto and Tajik languages printed at that time were analysed. The findings have shown how the conflict between the various areas of interest led to the extension of the semantic field of the noun shahid and the changes in its use in everyday language. Both in Afghanistan and Tajikistan, this term grew in popularity and came to be used at an ideological level – and not only by the Islam-oriented fractions – to urge people to war and to increase its symbolic significance and the rank of its fatalities.

17

Ecological threats to security and state resilience in Afghanistan

70%

Gauster M.

Security and Defence Quarterly

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2021

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vol. 33

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issue 1

31-40

EN

This work explores ecological and climate-related threats to Afghanistan and discusses support approaches from a European Crisis Management (ECM) perspective. It goes beyond the much-debated troop withdrawal, COVID-19 crisis and peace negotiations and opens an underestimated topic: ‘Climate Change Assistance’. The article aims to advance knowledge on the effects of climate change on human security in Afghanistan and advocates a conflict-sensitive approach. To this end, a climate-related assessment of the human security situation was undertaken and several threat scenarios, options and solutions for enhancing state resilience were developed. The bases for this research were several field trips undertaken by the author since 2004, workshops and an extensive literature review. As a result, it can be stated that the negative impacts of climate change and pollution on Afghanistan’s security and development architecture are massive and make ECM efforts very complex. However, several capacity-building initiatives for military, diplomatic, humanitarian and local stakeholders were identified. On the regional level, this includes the support for early warning systems and hydro-diplomacy with Pakistan, Iran and India. On the local level, the support for community water management and environmental protection matters, while building upon traditional Afghan mechanisms for handling water crises or disasters. Another outcome is the need for more in-depth research in this field as some findings are also useful for other fragile states. The paper argues that there is an urgent need for ECM to respond to the devastating effects of climate change in Afghanistan and identifies several smart opportunities to tackle some root causes of the conflict.

18

The Asia and Pacific Museum in Warsaw Felt Collection

70%

Godzińska M.

Rocznik Orientalistyczny

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2019

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issue 2

19

Structural realism and US withdrawal from Afghanistan: the consequence of a changing international system

70%

Marleku A.

Data a výzkum - SDA Info (Data and Research - SDA Info)

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2023

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vol. 13

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issue 2

201-207

EN

The withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan is a direct consequence of structural changes in the polarity of the international system. Following the end of the Cold War, the US emerged as the dominant country in the system, making it relatively easy to pursue a foreign policy based on liberal principles, where state-building and social engineering were among the main principles. While some scholars consider the US withdrawal from Afghanistan a strategic failure of its foreign policy, this paper argues that such action was necessary due to fundamental changes in the constellation of forces in the international system. The main reason for this withdrawal is the economic growth of China and its power projection in Asia and other regions of the world. Therefore, similar US actions can be anticipated in the future. This paper adopts a structural realist approach as its primary theoretical framework and Afghanistan is used as the case study.

20

MISJA WOJSK ISAF W AFGANISTANIE – ZAGROŻENIA TYPU „GREEN ON BLUE”

70%

MACHNIAK A.

Polityka i Społeczeństwo

|

2014

|

issue 4(12)

24-34 (11)

EN

The terrorist attacks in New York on 11th September 2001 resulted in a new method of armed conflict which was asymmetric in character, on this occasion in Afghanistan. The ISAF faced the Taliban – a rival who had an advantage because of local knowledge and help from some of the neighbouring countries, such as Pakistan, and international terrorist organizations such as Al-Qaeda. The Taliban maintained surveillance on the ANSF which supported ISAF. As a result, attacks described as green on blue happened which were caused also by a conflict of a cultural and religious basis between Afghan soldiers and ISAF soldiers. Due to its unpre-dictability and the impossibility of stating its area and time, they became one of the biggest dangers for ISAF soldiers during that difficult mission.

Refine search results

Relacje amerykańsko-afgańskie w latach 1963-1978

NATO beyond Afghanistan: A U.S. View on the ISAF Mission and the Future of the Alliance

Polish Special Operations Forces: Role and Missions in Afghanistan

The German Bundeswehr after Afghanistan: A Return to Which “Normality?”

A Story of Change: Poland’s Armed Forces and the ISAF Operation in Afghanistan

Over the Khyber Afghans and South Asia – History of Contacts

Afghanistan’s Civil War (1979-1989): Illegal and Failed Foreign Interventions

WPŁYW UDZIAŁU ŻOŁNIERZY W MISJI STABILIZACYJNEJ W AFGANISTANIE NA FUNKCJONOWANIE ICH RODZIN. WYNIKI BADAŃ EMPIRYCZNYCH WBBS WCEO

Risk Management Responses to Armed Non-State Actor Risk in Afghanistan

Kohabitacja po afgańsku. Polityka dla cierpliwych

Cross Cultural Awareness in International Military Operation: International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan

Afghanistan’s Media Developments and Challenges in the Past Two Decades: A Short Glance at Media Freedom

Afghan migrants in Iran in modern times

President of the state in the Afghan Constitutions

Kontestacja wspólnej polityki bezpieczeństwa i obrony w Parlamencie Europejskim na przykładzie działań UE w Afganistanie w latach 2005‑2013

Co to znaczy być męczennikiem? Termin szahid w afgańskim i tadżyckim dyskursie politycznym w końcu XX w.

Ecological threats to security and state resilience in Afghanistan

The Asia and Pacific Museum in Warsaw Felt Collection

Structural realism and US withdrawal from Afghanistan: the consequence of a changing international system

MISJA WOJSK ISAF W AFGANISTANIE – ZAGROŻENIA TYPU „GREEN ON BLUE”