Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Refine search results

Journals help
Years help
Authors help

Results found: 61

first rewind previous Page / 4 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  Albania
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 4 next fast forward last
EN
Think tanks are widely considered to be an important part of political life in mature democracies (McGann, 2019). The aim of the article is to present a preliminary characterisation of the institutional landscape of think tanks in Albania, based on the results of a qualitative and quantitative study conducted at the turn of 2017. The paper starts with presenting the specific features of the Albanian think tank sector and then proceeds to identify two major, yet interlinked, challenges facing Albanian think tanks, namely: (i) the lack of any internal political and institutional market for their research products, which is evidenced by their negligible impact on the policymaking process; (ii) the dependence on financing from external donors, which seriously constricts the autonomy of Albanian think tanks in defining their research agenda. The authors propose that this analysis of Albanian think tanks will aid in understanding how the Albanian political system functions as a whole.
PL
Artykuł stanowi analizę ewolucji prawa wyborczego do parlamentu Republiki Albanii. Aby prześledzić zmiany, które w nim zaszły, analizie poddaliśmy wszystkie albańskie ordynacje wyborcze uchwalone po 1990 r. oraz ich nowelizacje. W artykule ukazujemy parlamentarne prawo wyborcze na tle dynamiki albańskiego systemu politycznego. Zdając sobie sprawę z zależności występujących pomiędzy systemem wyborczym i partyjnym, staramy się odpowiedzieć na pytanie, na ile system wyborczy jest kreatorem dynamicznych zmian w systemie partyjnym Albanii.
EN
The aim of this article is to analyse the evolution of the Albanian parliamentary electoral law. In order to trace the changes that have taken place, a detailed analysis has been made of all Albanian electoral laws since 1990, along with their amendments. In the article, the authors indicate the components of the Albanian electoral system and examine the impact of its dynamics on the conditions of the Albanian political system after 1990. In connection with the adopted dependencies between the electoral and party systems, the authors would like to answer the question whether in this case the electoral system is the creator of dynamic changes in the party system of Albania.
EN
The global recession and the sovereign debt of European countries has triggered an intense debate over the effectiveness of fiscal policy and over the consequences of rising public debt. The purpose of this paper is to determine if there exist a correlation between the public debt and the economic growth in Albania, where the economic growth will be considered as the increase of GDP. The results and the methodologies are different in different countries and periods, as represented by various empirical studies. What is the situation in Albania at about the last 25 years? The SVAR methodology is used for analyzing this relationship. The results indicated that an instantaneous increase in real economic growth might increase the public debt and vice versa.
EN
The paper analyses the political and social cartoons in Albania under the Communist regime. Cartoons served as one of the main pillars of propaganda that reflected and publicly presented the political line in different periods of the existence of the Communist regime. The paper analyses the thematic structure and the way in which the image of the Albanian right politics was reinforced, and at the same time, the way in which the so-called external and internal enemies were attacked. The paper focuses on cartoons published in the satirical magazine Hosteni.
EN
Electoral gender quotas are among the most contested policies worldwide. A common criticism is that quotas promote undeserving women and therefore undermine the meritocracy. Although criticism persists, paradoxically, it has rarely been subject to empirical testing in Central and Eastern European countries. The objective of the present study is to address this gap by examining the characteristics of a randomly selected sample of 410 representatives in the local councils of Albania. By comparing the councillors across demographic characteristics, political experience, and ties in politics, I show that quotas have promoted a diverse group of women, who, compared to men, are more educated, younger, and more likely to live in rural areas. While the practice of relying on family or kinship ties to advance in local politics is more common among women than among men, differences were not found between women promoted through gender quotas and their non-quota female colleagues. The present findings call into question the assumptions that surround gender quotas, suggesting greater use of evidence to challenge popular perceptions and beliefs.
6
Content available remote

Financing the small and medium enterprises in Albania

80%
EN
The importance of small and medium enterprises in economy is indisputable. They are the main contributor in employment, innovation and economic growth of a country. European Commission is fully supporting the development and growth of small and medium enterprises through changes in legislation, creating a friendly business environment, facilitation in obtaining funds in the last two decades. The share of SME in total enterprises in Albania is 99.6% and their contribution in the GDP is 73%. Their growth is closely linked with their ability to finance their activity, which is one of the most important issues they are faced with due to their size and creditworthiness. This paper aims to analyze the difficulties and obstacles that SME in Albania encounter in obtaining financing due to lack of source of financing within country, limited opportunities of accessing international capital markets as well as high interest rate.
EN
Partnerships have a long history in European social housing with a mixed degree of success. They are an emerging model in post-socialist countries driven by budgetary constraints, rapid privatisation of public housing, and pragmatic efforts to respond to a complex housing affordability crisis. This article evaluates the challenges and opportunities of a new partnership model implemented in Albania to provide social rental housing. The project, launched in 2009, involves a legally defined partnership between central and local governments, the private sector, and an international financial institution. It has doubled the amount of municipal rental housing, addressing the needs of low- and mid-income households in Albania through the construction of 1,138 rental apartments for 4,300 people in eight cities. The allocation process, although politically charged, has been targeted. The partnership has capitalised on efficiencies, sound fiscal management, and cost and quality control. Despite some construction delays and potential concerns related to future sustainability, we argue that the partnership model is effective and has an important learning and innovation role for the future provision of social housing in Albania as well as in other post-socialist countries in South-East Europe facing similar challenges.
EN
The protection of human rights as an indicator of the economic and social development of mankind constitutes one of the fundamental axes of the object of the domestic law of the states and of the current international law. Included and explicitly mentioned in almost all paragraphs of the preamble to the UN Charter, as an objective and purpose of its activity, in addition to ensuring international peace and security, and widely addressed in the Charter provisions, it represents an obligation and at the same time an important trend, which contributes to the affirmation of the individual with the quality of its subject and its transformation into a “citizen of the world”
EN
The number one goal of the United Nations on the millennium development agenda is the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger. But poverty, as other problems, reveals more when examined from a multi-dimensional and dynamic perspective, and gender-sensitive lenses can make a major contribution. The “feminisation of poverty” (ranging from a higher incidence of women among the poor to poverty in terms of a lack of or limited choices) has been documented by research throughout the world as a result of the interaction of three main factors: the introduction of gender elements in the research and literature on poverty; the high incidence of specific groups of women under the poverty line; and the mismatch between women’s life cycles and policies in place. This paper provides additional evidence on the “feminisation of poverty” by looking at the case of Albania as representative of an under-researched category of countries emerging as new democracies in the 1990s. The argument put forward is that the intersectionality of gender and age results in a larger burden of poverty among older women. To support the argument, the paper goes beyond the limited official poverty statistics in Albania by looking at the economic activity of women and men, analysing the work-family reconciliation policy framework in Albania, and providing evidence of the work-family tension based on secondary data analysis. It is found that combining work and family life in the pre-retirement period in Albania presents more disadvantages for women than for men, leading to the  “feminisation of poverty” in the post-retirement stages in life. This is then fuelling a new trend for unemployed women and retired women to work as informal caregivers, filling the deficiency in care for the eldest and youngest people in their own families or in the families of wealthier women. The policy logic and respective provisions in Albania, at best, are not discouraging the phenomenon.
EN
The Grand Tour played an important role in the education of the aristocratic British youth. Several requirements served for its classical qualification. The Tour lasted from some months to some years. Travelers' individual choices, spread of diseases, priority to special places, as well as historical events shaped the travel plan. The Tour changed its classical denotation in the 19th century, reflecting a radical social transformation in the British society. The middle class would be engaged in travelling beyond the borders of the British territory. The Romantic traveler of the 19th century diefrers from the classic traveler of the Grand Tour, stressing heroism and bravery, avoiding scenic descriptions. These travelers resembled the explorer. A term introduced by the Romantics. The dense narrative produced in this period would permit the British public to become familiar with unalike people, experiences, and lands. There are five travellers that visited the Albanian land in the first half of 19th century, during British Romanticims. Dodwell, Hughes, Martin Leake, Urquhart and Best published works mentioning the Albania theme, people, culture, nature, geography. Dodwell's work is significant because of classical archeology. T.S. Hughes gives information about Ali Pasha and his mystical figure. Topographical data on the Albanian population, customs, and traditions are introduced in Leake's book. Urquhart looks at the Orient from a philosophical viewpoint. A work about hunting, natural beauty, customs, traditions is wrietn by Best. Therefore, their books give essential information about the country in the first half of this century. Richard Lassels in the book Travels in Italy first mentions the term Grand Tour in 1670 (p.6). A century later, Paul Kirby (1952) informs the audience that the Grand Tour has become part of the young Europeans' education, any member coming from the nobility of the time (p. 2). The journey could last from several months to several years in a row. There were a number of prerequisites for it, while Italy was considered
EN
The article presents the results of research on changes in the level of regional development in Albania and in all voivodeships in Poland in the years 2010–2017. The applied annual data come from national statistical offices and include two social and six economic criteria. The study used one of the methods of multi-criteria decision analysis—TOPSIS with vector and linear parameters’ normalization. The results obtained (for both methods of normalization) indicate that in the years 2010–2017 Albania made the greatest progress in regional development, raising it from the lowest level in 2010 to comparable with several Polish voivodeships in 2017. Unlike some Polish voivodeships, Albania has significantly improved the demographic situation, conditions on the labour market and reduced employment in agriculture. The group of Polish voivodeships that have achieved the greatest progress in regional development have maintained positive demographic perspectives, increased the GDP growth, improved labour market conditions and increased the economic activity of their inhabitants. The results of the study indicate that EU membership is a favourable, but in some cases insufficient, circumstance for raising the overall living standards of households and the performance of enterprises operating in a given region.
PL
Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badania zmian, jakie zaszły w poziomie rozwoju regionalnego w Albanii i we wszystkich województwach w Polsce w latach 2010–2017. Zastosowane dane roczne pochodzą z krajowych urzędów statystycznych i obejmują dwa kryteria socjalne i sześć kryteriów gospodarczych. W badaniu wykorzystano jedną z metod wielokryterialnej analizy decyzyjnej – TOPSIS z wektorową i liniową normalizacją parametrów. Uzyskane wyniki (dla obu metod normalizacji parametrów) wskazują, że w latach 2010–2017 Albania zrobiła największy postęp w rozwoju regionalnym, podnosząc go z najniższego poziomu w 2010 roku do porównywalnego z kilkoma polskimi województwami w 2017 roku. W przeciwieństwie do niektórych polskich województw Albania znacznie poprawiła sytuację demograficzną, warunki na rynku pracy i ograniczyła zatrudnienie w rolnictwie. Grupa polskich województw, które osiągnęły największy postęp w rozwoju regionalnym, utrzymała pozytywne perspektywy demograficzne, podniosła dynamikę PKB, poprawiła warunki na rynku pracy i zwiększyła aktywność gospodarczą swoich mieszkańców. Wyniki badania wskazują, że członkostwo w UE jest sprzyjającą, ale w niektórych przypadkach niewystarczającą okolicznością dla podniesienia ogólnych standardów życiowych gospodarstw domowych i wyników przedsiębiorstw działających w danym regionie.
EN
This article analyzes the sovereignty of Kosovo, using social theory of international relation. It presents the evolution of the definition of sovereignty as well as conflicts between the principle of self-determination and territorial integrity of Kosovo, as an example. Immaterial fac-tors (mainly national identity) affects the formation of national interest, including the establish-ment of an independent state. Culture, history and national myths are essential for creating behavior on both sides of the conflict. This article presents the main determinants of Kosovo’s sovereignty – territo-ry, population, authority.
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę analizy suwerenności Kosowa z zastosowaniem społecznej teorii stosunków międzynarodowych. Przedstawia ewolucję definiowania suwerenności oraz ukazuje konflikt zasady samostanowienia narodów i integralności terytorialnej na przykładzie Kosowa. Prezentuje znaczenie norm i wartości dla funkcjonowania środowiska międzynarodowego. Wskazuje, jaki wpływ odegrały czynniki niematerialne (głównie tożsamość narodowa) na ukształtowanie interesów narodowych, w tym niepodległego państwa. Kultura, historia i mity narodowe mają kluczowe znaczenie dla kreowania zachowań obu stron konfliktu. Artykuł prezentuje główne wyznaczniki suwerenności Kosowa – terytorium, ludność, władzę.
PL
W niniejszym artykule chciałbym przeanalizować relacje Albanii z Libią, zwłaszcza po ustanowieniu reżimu Kaddafiego w jego szczególnej odmianie socjalizmu. W tym celu rozważania będą podążać w dwóch kierunkach. Najpierw chciałbym przedstawić stosunki zagraniczne między małymi państwami, w tym przypadku Albanią i Libią. Następnie zbadam te relacje pod kątem ograniczeń ideologicznych, zwłaszcza z perspektywy kraju takiego jak Albania, który od połowy lat sześćdziesiątych do połowy osiemdziesiątych w imię określonego spojrzenia na marksizm-leninizm i socjalizm praktykował formy samoizolacji i odcięcia od świata zewnętrznego.
EN
In this paper I examine the relations between Albania with Libya, especially after the establishment of the Gaddafi’s regime and its peculiar brand of socialism. In doing so this paper proceeds in two directions. First, I examine foreign relations among small countries, in this case Albania and Libya. Secondly, I examine the above-mentioned relations in terms of ideological constrictions, especially from the perspective of a country like Albania, which practised, from the mid-sixties to the mid-eighties, forms of self-isolation and insulation from the outer world in the name of its particular view of Marxism-Leninism and socialism.
EN
The article attempts to analyse the systemic position of the High Prosecutorial Council in the Albanian constitutional system as shaped by the 2016 constitutional reform. The author of this article analyses the regulations of the Constitution of the Republic of Albania and ordinary legislation that define the place and role of the Prosecutorial Council within the Albanian constitutional system. He focuses on showing the legal status of the Prosecutorial Council, draws attention to its composition and competences, which are decisive for the actual establishment of the guarantees of the independence of the prosecution service in Albania. The solutions adopted lead to the conclusion that it is a specialised body of a mixed nature, whose actions are aimed at guaranteeing the independence of prosecutors.
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę analizy pozycji ustrojowej Wysokiej Rady Prokuratury w systemie konstytucyjnym Albanii ukształtowanej w wyniku reformy konstytucyjnej z 2016 roku. Autor niniejszego artykułu analizuje regulacje Konstytucji Republiki Albanii i ustawodawstwa zwykłego, które określają miejsce i rolę Rady Prokuratury w ramach albańskiego systemu ustrojowego. Koncentruje się na ukazaniu statusu prawnego rady prokuratury, zwraca uwagę na jej skład i kompetencje, które są decydujące dla faktycznego ustalenia gwarancji niezależności prokuratury w Albanii. Przyjęte rozwiązania prowadzą do wniosku, że jest to organ wyspecjalizowany o charakterze mieszanym, którego działania mają na celu zagwarantowanie niezależności prokuratorom.
EN
On February 17th 2008 creation of the independent Republic of Kosovo became a fact. It triggered the necessity for discussing the consequences of the new status quo for the region’s security and stabilization. Several scenarios based on Kosovo casus which may be outlined.
PL
17 lutego 2008 r. powstanie niepodległej Republiki Kosowa stało się faktem, implikującym konieczność zastanowienia się nad konsekwencjami nowego status quo dla bezpieczeństwa i stabilizacji regionu. Na podstawie istniejących przesłanek, nakreślić można kilka scenariuszy, w mniejszym lub większym stopniu, umotywowanych zaistnieniem casusu Kosowa.
EN
This study explores the topic of citizenship as related to the practices of twelve Albanian women. This research utilizes literature on gender and citizenship as a framework for comparing and analysing the narratives of women who exert their political citizenship through civil society and governmental political bodies. First, this study explores the ways the interviewees perceive citizenship while analysing women’s narratives to get at their spoken and unspoken specificities. Secondly, it discusses their conceptualisations of themselves as active citizens and analyses how their expressed perceptions relate to their identification as political actors with regards to their identities as women. Thirdly, it analyses issues of relevance to women’s engagement as active citizens as they appear from women’s individual experiences of citizenship in the narratives. This research focuses on the way interviewed Albanian women perceive themselves in relation to their citizenship and what their experiences as citizens say about their self-identification as agents with a say in the issues that affect their lives.
EN
The paper is focused on ageism in urban planning, taking the Italian WWII planning heritage in Albania as a case study. It expounds three main issues: acknowledgment of modern heritage, dissemination of autocratic identity, and historical planning apparatus. The text investigates autocratic plans as purest fulfilment of Euclidean space, before relentless urban transformations affect cities.
19
70%
EN
Electoral behavior is a new element in the political analysis of democracy in Albania. Distinctive features of the Albanian transition distinguish other models of the former communist countries, as well as significantly differ with Western models and electoral behavior analysis of the relations between political actors and citizens voting. Penal Code of the Republic of Albania remains the basis of criminal law to sanction criminal acts in the election. The object of criminal misconduct are directly related to the normal criminal and legal protection and free elections as well as the Albanian Constitution provides all these obstacles to electoral subjects committed by force or by any other means which directly affect the normal performance electoral system. Barriers can be done with physical or psychological, and consists in blocking commissioners election materials, election materials decay affecting decay electoral system unfairly supported a particular political party or a coalition of political parties that present list candidacy according to the rules defined in the electoral code. Albanian Constitution as the fundamental law of the Albanian state provides for the rightness of the equality of the vote for all Albanian citizens The vote is the democratic way that every citizen expressing the opinion and its political will but to have democratic value ratings should be personal equal, free and secret. The right to vote is a political right provided by the Albanian Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and as such is closely linked to democracy, the sovereignty of the people and citizens. Total vote, or the right to get to the polls all Albanian citizens, men and women, and in fact is the greatest achievement of the twentieth century. According to the Electoral Code of the Republic of Albania every citizen exercises his right to vote at his polling station, where placed under citizen’s location criteria. Voting centers organized in such a way as to facilitate the voting process and ensure the secrecy of the vote. Democracy lives by opinions competition. In all areas of society, in the family and at school, association and enterprise, democracy needs a social climate which stimulate open discussion on the differences of opinion.
EN
Multiculturalism and the new multi religious social realities are becoming dominant dimensions of today’s world. The huge changes in the social tissue of those societies, which up to now had an established dominant culture and religious affiliation, made them now face more than the effects of migrant flows, which inevitably causes confrontations of cultures and believes. The clash of civilizations, which have been so accurately predicted, took different forms of confrontation by giving floor to extremism into its organized form: an explosion of terrorism. By considering the strong connections between poverty and lack of education as an extremism cradle, many researchers consider the inclusion of the subjects related to the history and culture of religions as a strategy to reduce cultural and religious conflict as well as extremist behavior and the bases of terrorism, by increasing information and knowledge about religion starting from early teen years. Albania, a country known for its religious tolerance, is one of those countries which’ decision makers in education actually share this point of view and is going to start a project by including a module of limited hours of teaching in medium and high school students. The paper makes an analysis of the potential effects this might have considering its application related to the initial purposes of the project, by introducing the case of Italy and its strategy of religious education over the years as a comparative tool in order to analyze and predict the potential outcomes of this intent, by considering the national background of Albania and some specific learning traits and outcomes on such topics related to age and cultural set up.
first rewind previous Page / 4 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.