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Suwerenność państwa w koncepcji integracyjnej Alcide De Gasperiego

100%
Madeja A.
Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs
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2013
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issue 4
s.9-30
EN
Alcide de Gasperi (1881–1954) represented the most expedient approach to the problem of integration. As a result, from among all the European Founding Fathers it was he who presented the least theoretically refined political vision. He should be recognised as a neo-Thomist who wanted to restore a lost unity of the Christian nations. Europe without wars did not mean actual peace for him. States had to establish a close cooperation. They were expected to limit their sovereignty and combine its attributes. It led to the settingup of a new kind of organization, i.e. ‘a community’. The idea of transferring ‘sovereign rights’ to international institutions (coined by Jean Monnet) was not adopted by De Gasperi. Thereby ‘a community’ was formed by the member states, which at most suffered and tolerated actions performed by it in precisely determined scopes of activity. Hence De Gasperi’s vision was the most conservative from all those presented by the Fathers. As a sworn democrat, he accentuated the importance of the community’s democratic legitimacy. This explains his opinion on the crucial role of the Assembly in the institutional scheme of the community. The Assembly provided a ‘political momentum’ and political control over various structures operating in the two areas of ‘high politics’: defence and foreign policy. It was thanks to De Gasperi’s initiative that the significant article 38 was added to the European Defence Community Treaty. By virtue of this article, the signatories of the Treaty took a solemn commitment to establish a political community grounded on two classic constitutional ideas: division of powers and bicameral parliament. Nevertheless, a unity of the European nations, which all De Gasperi’s efforts served to bring about, should be acknowledged as a model of confederacy.
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Chrześcijański demokrata wobec kryzysu demokracji w Europie lat trzydziestych: przypadek Alcide De Gasperiego

75%
Pazik P.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2016
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vol. 48
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issue 4
PL
The text embarks upon the motif of the evolution of the political reflections of Alcide De Gasperi, one of the key Italian politicians of the interwar period and the Prime Minister of Italy after 1945, in the face of a crisis of the democracy during the 1930s. The basic source for a reconstruction of De Gasperi’s views are the commentaries about international politics written by this Italian Christian Democrat for the bi-weekly ”l’Illustrazione Vaticana” in 1933–1938. By following the way in which he described political dynamics in Germany, France, and Spain it is possible to perceive the key topics of De Gasperi’s deliberations about politics in general: a defence of parliamentarianism, a critique of the pre-1929 free-market economy, and the need for a new social order, which the Italian politician discovered in personalism. Those three motifs merge in descriptions and assessments of events transpiring in the above–mentioned countries; moreover, they compromise the prime axes of the transformation of the Italian Christian-democratic doctrine into a mature ideology of a ruling party, which the Christian Democracy became after 1945.
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Od projektu ideowego do pragmatycznej polityki: Chrześcijańska demokracja we Włoszech w początkach zimnej wojny 1943-1948

63%
Pazik P.
Horyzonty Polityki
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2021
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vol. 12
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issue 38
EN
RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The paper attempts a comparative analysis of competitive concepts of development of the Italian Christian democratic party (Democrazia Cristiana, DC) in the immediate post-WWII period. RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The Italian Christian demo‑ cratic party was created in 1942 as a joint effort of various currents of political Catholicism in Italy. The common denominator of groups originating from pre[1]war Christian democratic circles, student organizations and catholic, antifascist intellectuals, was an urge to overcome the legacy of fascism and to create an Ital‑ ian democracy founded on Christian principles. Between 1943 and 1948 DC un‑ derwent an evolution from a cadre party of a distinctive ideological profile to a mass party with loosely defined ideological principles. The application of a his‑ torical reconstruction of the subsequent phases of clashes between competitive conceptions of party allows to identify the timing and positions in this debate. THE ARGUMENTATION PROCESS: The analysis opens by recalling the context of the dissolution of the Christian democratic party in Italy in 1926 which is followed by the reconstruction of the consolidation process that took place during the WWII. Next, the focus is shifted towards the wartime ideology and programmatic achievements of catholic groups. The fourth part of the text focuses on the discussions between the leader of the DC, Alcide De Gasperi conducted with Giuseppe Dossetti – on one hand – and the conservative mem‑ bers of ecclesiastical hierarchy – on the other. The stake of this debates was the future of the party: while De Gasperi argued for remaining in the centre of the political scene, Dossetti wanted an alliance with the “popular parties” – social‑ ists and, not unconditionally, communists, whereas the hierarchy pushed for the establishment of a catholic-conservative bloc. RESEARCH RESULTS: The attempted re construction allowed to point out that De Gasperi’s success – which consisted in holding the party unity and autonomy from the Church, had its price, which was the loosening of the ideo‑ logical cohesion of the party. DC entered the cold war as a federation of circles and interest groups held together by a will of prolonging their power. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECCOMENDATIONS: In the concluding part of the paper I stressed the need for an in-depth study of the catholic political culture of the post-WWII period in order to fully understand the differences between Christian democrats and Christian democratic ideas from the interwar period, the hopes and goals of the wartime programmatic work, and the Cold War period when often these ideas were confronted with the pragmatism of a day-to-day politics. This is particularly important given the secularisation of the Christian democratic party in the post-1945 period.
PL
CEL NAUKOWY: Celem tekstu jest porównanie konkurencyjnych propozycji rozwoju włoskiej partii chrześcijańsko-demokratycznej (Democrazia Cristiana, DC) w pierwszych latach po II wojnie światowej. PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Włoska partia chrześcijańsko‑demokratyczna powstała w 1942 r. jako połączenie różnych nurtów katolicyzmu politycznego we Włoszech. Wspólnym mianownikiem grup wywodzących się z: przedwojennej partii chadeckiej, środowisk studenckich oraz antyfaszystowskich grup intelektualistów była chęć przezwyciężenia dziedzictwa faszyzmu oraz budowa we Włoszech demokracji na chrześcijańskich fundamentach. Między 1943 a 1948 r. DC przeszła ewolucję od partii kadrowej o wyraźnym profilu ideologicznym do partii masowej o luźno zdefiniowanych zasadach ideowych. Zastosowanie rekonstrukcji historycznej kolejnych faz ścierania się konkurencyjnych wizji partii pozwala wskazać etapy i stanowiska w tym sporze. PROCES WYWODU: Tekst otwiera przywołanie okoliczności rozwiązania partii chrześcijańsko demokratycznej we Włoszech w 1926 r. oraz rekonstrukcja procesu konsolidacji środowisk chadeckich w okresie II wojny światowej. Następnie w centrum zainteresowania stawia się dorobek programowy kół katolickich w okresie wojny. W czwartej części tekstu przedstawiono spory, które lider DC Alcide De Gasperi toczył z jednej strony z Giuseppe Dossettim, z drugiej strony z konserwatywną częścią hierarchii kościelnej. Stawką tych sporów był kierunek polityczny partii – De Gasperi optował za kierunkiem centrowym, Dossetti za sojuszem z „partiami ludowymi” – socjalistami oraz, nie bezwarunkowo, komunistami; hierarchia kościelna dążyła do utworzenia bloku konserwatywno-katolickiego. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Prowadzona rekonstrukcja pozwoliła wskazać, że za sukces polityki De Gasperiego, który utrzymał jedność i niezależność partii od hierarchii kościelnej, trzeba było zapłacić rozluźnieniem spójności ideowej. W zimną wojnę DC wchodziła jako federacja różnych środowisk i grup interesów trzymanych razem chęcią utrzymania władzy. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: We wnioskach wskazano na konieczność podjęcia kwestii przemian kultury politycznej katolików w początkach okresu zimnowojennego, tak by móc lepiej zrozumieć różnice między chadecją okresu międzywojennego, nadziejami chadeków z okresu wojny oraz powojennym okresem. Jest to szczególnie istotne dla zrozumienia procesu sekularyzacji chrześcijańskiej demokracji w okresie po 1945 r.
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Obraz zjednoczonej Europy w koncepcjach przedstawicieli opozycji antyfaszystowskiej we Włoszech w latach 1943-1945

63%
Sondel-Cedarmas J.
Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego
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2017
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issue 49
87-108
EN
The article presents concepts of united Europe created by representatives of different fractions of the anti‑fascist Italian opposition in the period of the so‑called Resistenza (1943‑1945), with particular focus on the stances of left‑wing groups. The fullest theoretical foundations of federalist concepts created during the Second World War come from the Ventotene Manifesto (the so‑called Manifesto for Free and United Europe), elaborated at the turn of June and July of 1941 by charismatic leaders of Movimento Federalista Europeo – Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto Rossi – in collaboration with Eugenio Colorni. Influenced by English federalists from Federal Union, Spinelli and Rossi were pointing to the crisis of a nation state and its results – nationalism, imperialism and fascism. The authors were convinced that the only way to ensure continued peace in Europe was to create a European federation, comprised entirely of democratic states. The idea of the United States of Europe was advocated also by a liberal lawyer and economist, later the Governor of the Bank of Italy and the President of Italy, Luigi Einaudi. In his articles and political writings regularly published from 1918 until the end of the WWII Einaudi criticised the League of Nations as a weak institution lacking in authority and unable to effectively challenge the imperialist tendencies of some of its members. He sought the reasons for this weakness in the very structure of the League of Nations, i.e. in the confederation model. In studies published between 1943 and 1945 the liberal politician emphasised interdependencies between economy and politics. Einaudi identified the idea of a sovereign national state and the doctrine of nationalism as main enemies of the European federalism. Another politician advocating limiting sovereignty of national states in the name of broad solidarity between free European nations was a leader of Christian Democracy and the Prime Minister of Italy between 1945 and 1953 – Alcide De Gasperi. He underlined the significance of cooperation with the United States of America and the United Kingdom of Great Britain in the process of peace‑rebuilding. Unlike Spinelli and Rossi, the leader of Christian Democracy did not support the federation model of integration – De Gasperi placed emphasis on the gradual character of this process and on the need for finding “transitional solutions”, similarly to Einaudi, pointing to the significance of the economic aspect.
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