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Flavius Areobindus – wódz jednej wojny

100%

Leszka M.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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2020

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vol. 27

5-16

EN

The article is dedicated to Flavius Areobindus, a member of military aristocracy during the turn of the 5th and the 6th centuries; who was a magister militum per Orientem and a consul in the year 506. Areobindus appears more explicitly in the sources only in relation to the Byzantine-Persian war of 503–505. He is also referenced in the context of religious developments in Constantinople that took place in November, 512. At that point, with no contribution of his own, he was named a candidate to the imperial throne by the rebels against the emperor Anastasius. He was a husband of Anicia Juliana, one of the most prominent women of the early Byzantium.

PL

Artykuł poświęcony został Flavius Areobindus, przedstawicielowi wojskowej arystokracji ostatnich dekad V i pierwszych VI w., magistrowi militum per Orientem i konsulowi roku 506. Areobindus pojawia się wyraźniej na kartach źródeł jedynie w kontekście wojny bizantyńsko-perskiej z lat 503–505. Wzmiankowany jest również w związku z wydarzeniami rozgrywającymi się na tle religijnym w Konstantynopolu w listopadzie 512 r. Został wówczas, bez żadnego zresztą własnego udziału, wskazany przez buntujących się przeciw cesarzowi Anastazjuszowi, jako kandydat do cesarskiego tronu. Był mężem Anicji Juliany, jednej z najwybitniejszych kobiet wczesnego Bizancjum.

2

The Trisagion Riots (512) as an Example of Interaction between Politics and Liturgy

89%

Ginter K.

Studia Ceranea

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2017

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vol. 7

41-57

EN

This article explores the political and cultural context of the riots provoked by changes in the Trisagion (512). Along with the advancing integration of the Byzantine Empire with Christianity, the state’s interest in theological problems increased; these problems were also reflected in the liturgy. Worship was used as a tool of imperial policy. This mutual interaction between politics and liturgy can be observed particularly clearly in the history of the Trisagion. This hymn, in its primitive form appearing in the book of Isaiah (as the familiar Sanctus Sanctus Sanctus), had two interpretations from the first centuries. According to the first one, the hymn referred to God, or – with the development of theology – to the whole Holy Trinity. According to the second interpretation (probably originating from Antioch), it referred to Christ. Already in the 4th century, the Trisagion entered the liturgy. In the middle of the 5th century, we encounter a new version of the Trisagion (known as SanctusDeus, Sanctus Fortis), which was an elaboration of the above-mentioned hymn. It also found use in the liturgy and originally had a Trinitarian sense. The Monophysites, in order to give the hymn an anti-Chalcedonian sense, added to it the expression who was crucified for us; this makes the hymn unambiguously Christological, but it may also suggest theopaschism (all of the Trinity was crucified). In Antioch, where the Trisagion first appeared in that form (and where the hymn had always been interpreted as referring to Christ), this addition did not provoke protests from the Chalcedonians. However, when the Monophysite emperor Anastasius decided to introduce this version to the liturgy in Constantinople, the inhabitants of the capital – accustomed to understanding the Trisagion in the Trinitarian sense – interpreted the change as an offence against the Trinity. This caused the outbreak of the Trisagion riots (512). Not long afterwards, restoring the anthem in the version without the addition became one of the postulates of military commander Vitalian’s rebellion against Anastasius. Thus, in the case under analysis, we see theology and liturgy blending with current politics; one and the same hymn could be understood as heretical in one city and as completely orthodox in another.

3

Girolamo e i vescovi di Roma: Un rapporto di stima e di collaborazione

71%

Mirri L. M.

Vox Patrum

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2004

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vol. 46

265-292

EN

Hieronim jawi się więc raz jeszcze jako „vir maxime catholicus" i to nie tylko z tego powodu, iż wytrwał w prawdziwej wierze aż do śmierci, lecz także dlatego, że jego zjednoczenie z następcą św. Piotra zapewniało mu pewność niezachwianego trwania w prawdzie i stanowiło gwarancję jedności. Starał się o to ze wszystkich sił, poświęcając temu cały swój geniusz ludzki i duchowy, wraz z wyróżniającą go pasją kulturalną i intelektualną, z poświęceniem godnym prawdziwego chrześcijanina i świętego mnicha

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List papieża Hormizdasa do cesarza Anastazego I

71%

Koczwara S.

Vox Patrum

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2008

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vol. 52

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issue 1

489-494

EN

Hac in brevi dissertatiuncula post introductionem cum annexa bibliographia proponitur prima in linguam Polonorum translatio Epistolae Hormisdae papae ad Anastasium I imperatorem.

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1 Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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1 Ginter K.

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1 Leszka M.

1 Mirri L. M.

Flavius Areobindus – wódz jednej wojny

The Trisagion Riots (512) as an Example of Interaction between Politics and Liturgy

Girolamo e i vescovi di Roma: Un rapporto di stima e di collaborazione

List papieża Hormizdasa do cesarza Anastazego I