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Przeobrażenia polityczne i społeczne w Południowej Afryce - od apartheidu do czasów współczesnych

100%
Maksymow K.
Forum Politologiczne
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2012
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vol. 13 - "Stare" i "nowe" mocarstwa w Afryce - stygmaty kulturowe, religijne, polityczne, ekonomiczne i społeczne
517-532
EN
The article presents a contemporary dispute about political and social transformation in South Africa. At the beginning a short hi- story of the country was outlined. Special attention was drawn to the period of apartheid (legal regulations and their political and social impact) and attempts to reform the system. Circumstances and course of dismantling of apartheid was analysed. In the end of the article the democratic pillars of New South Arica were presented.
2

21stCentury South African Science Fiction

100%
CARAIVAN L.
Gender Studies
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2014
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vol. 13
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issue 1
93-105
EN
The paper analyses some aspects of South African science fiction, starting with its beginnings in the 1920s and focusing on some 21st century writings. Thus Lauren Beukes’ novels Moxyland (2008) and Zoo City (2010) are taken into consideration in order to present new trends in South African literature and the way science fiction has been marked by Apartheid. The second South African science fiction writer whose writings are examined is Henrietta Rose-Innes (with her novel Nineveh, published in 2011) as this consolidates women's presence in the SF world.
3
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Rola arcybiskupa Desmonda Tutu w walce z apatheidem

100%
Romejko A.
Forum Politologiczne
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2009
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vol. 9 - Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce
125-165
EN
European settlement in South Africa began in the 17th century. The first settlers came to be known as Boers. Their numbers grew gradually, as more Dutch and German arrived and Huguenots were fleeing before persecution in France. The Boer colonists, mostly farmers, soon developed their own distinctive culture and language (Afrikaans). At the beginning of the 19th century thousands of British colonists arrived in South Africa. Discrimination against non-whites was inherent in the South African society from the earliest days. South African blacks had the lowest status in the white-dominated state. In the 1948 elections, the National Party led by Daniel Malan, won and began to implement its concept of apartheid, which was designed to separate the races economically, politically, geographically, and socially. After anti-apartheid riots which resulted in the Sharpeville Massacre in 1960, the government banned all black-African political organizations. Apartheid was criticized internationally and many countries imposed economic sanctions on South Africa because of it. Archbishop Desmond Tutu was one of the prominent critics of apartheid. He advocated reform of South Africa's system of institutionalized racial discrimination and decried political violence by any group. He was a leading proponent of sanctions to force the South African government to alter its policies by economic pressure. In 1984 he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in recognition of the courage and heroism shown by black South Africans in their use of peaceful methods in the struggle against apartheid. In 1984 he was appointed the bishop of Johannesburg. Two years later he was elected the archbishop of Cape Town, the head of the Anglican Church in South Africa. Archbishop Tutu resumed his pastoral duties while retaining an influential position in his country. 1995-1998 he was a chairman of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, set up to investigate political crimes and human rights abuses by both sides during the apartheid period. In 1996 he retired as Archbishop of Cape Town, while retaining his political responsibilities.
4
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Mocarstwowa polityka ZSRR wobec Południowej Afryki w okresie apartheidu

100%
Żukowski A.
Forum Politologiczne
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2012
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vol. 13 - "Stare" i "nowe" mocarstwa w Afryce - stygmaty kulturowe, religijne, polityczne, ekonomiczne i społeczne
497-516
EN
The article focuses on the selected issues of the Soviet Union's power politics towards South Africa, especially during the period of apartheid. Also the period before introduction of the apartheid in 1948 is mentioned. The problem is presented with the perspective of global Soviet foreign policy with particular reference to the situation in Southern Africa (support for anti-colonialism, liberation movements, new independent states and engagement in solving regional conflicts etc.). Special attention is drawn into the Soviet Union attitude towards white South African government as well as contacts and support for the African National Congress and in less extent for the South African Communist Party. The evolution of the Soviet Union's power politics towards South Africa, especially in the 80's and at the beginning of the 90's is underlined.
5
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Afrikaans: a language where ideology and linguistics meet

100%
Hamans C.
Scripta Neophilologica Posnaniensia
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2021
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vol. 21
15-92
EN
This paper summarizes the discussion about the origin and the status of Afrikaans. Two schools appear to be opposed to each other: the philological school and a creolistic view. The philological school tried to demonstrate with meticulous research of sources that Afrikaans is a full daughter of 17th century Dutch, which set foot ashore with van Riebeeck in 1652 at the Cape of Good Hope. Linguists who thought of a pattern of creolization in the formation of Afrikaans point to the influence of the languages of slaves brought to South Africa and to the influence of the original inhabitants, the Khoi and the San. This contribution mainly outlines the ideological background of these two schools of thought. For the philological school this is the system of Apartheid, while for the Creolist view the emphasis is more on decolonization.
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The ghosts that will not be laid to rest: a critical reading of “Abantu Stand”

88%
Ojoniyi O. W.
International Journal of Pedagogy, Innovation and New Technologies
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2018
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vol. 5(2)
51-56
EN
This paper centres on an existential consciousness reading of the production of “Abantu Stand” by Rhodes University Theatre. “Abantu Stand” is a product of pieces of workshop sketches on current social, economic and political conversations in South Africa. From my participation in the back stage conversations of the artists and the production crew towards the final making of the production, to the discussions with the audience after each performance, I realise that, of a truth, as the closing song of the performance re-echoes, “It is not yet uhuru” for the South Africans, particularly, the people on the peripheral of the society!” In “Abantu Stand,” in spite of her post-apartheid status, South Africa appears as a volatile contested space. Of course, in reality, in many areas, 70 to 85% of lands remain in the hands of the settlers. There are towns and settlements outside of towns – for till now, majority of the blacks live in shanties outside the main towns. Inequality, mutual suspicion, mismanagement and oppression operate at different levels of the society – from race to race, gender to gender and tribe to tribe. There is the challenge of gender/sexual categorisation and the tension of “coming out” in relation to the residual resisting traditional culture of heterosexuals. The sketches in the performance are woven around these contentious issues to give room for free conversations. The desire is to provoke a revolutionary change. However, one thing is evident: South Africa, with the relics of apartheid, is still a state in transition.
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Solidarność i Trzeci Świat. Część II. Taktyczne sojusze z kluczowymi ruchami lat osiemdziesiątych XX wieku

75%
Christiaens K., Goddeeris I.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2018
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vol. 50
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issue 2
PL
Kontakty Solidarności z ruchami społecznymi lub politycznymi w Trzecim Świecie miały raczej ograniczony charakter oraz były bardzo wybiórcze. Solidarność zaakceptowała tylko te sprawy, które posiadały instrumentalną wartość dla jej pozycji międzynarodowej. Niechętnie uczestniczyła w walce przeciwko apartheidowi. Unikała wyraźnie antykomunistycznych ugrupowań. Było to widać nie tylko w jej niechęci do sprzymierzania się z opozycją antysandinistyczną w Nikaragui, ale także we współpracy z lewicową opozycją z Chile. W ten sposób Solidarność mogła uniwersalizować swoją sprawę, przeciwstawiając się polaryzacji ładu zimnowojennego oraz pokazać, że była częścią ogólnej walki antytotalitarnej. Solidarność’s contacts established with social and political movements in the Third World were rather limited and highly selective. Solidarność only embraced causes that were instrumental to its international profile. It reluctantly sided with the anti-apartheid struggle. It also avoided explicitly anti-communist groups. This became not only clear in its reluctance to side with the anti-Sandinista opposition in Nicaragua, but also in its collaboration with the left-wing opposition from Chile. In this way, Solidarność could universalise its cause, defy the Cold War bipolarity, and demonstrate that it was part of a general anti-totalitarian struggle.
8
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Socjalizacyjna funkcja szkolnictwa w Afryce Południowej w okresie apartheidu (1948-1994)

65%
Gmerek T.
Studia Edukacyjne
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2017
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issue 46
235-252
EN
The article is devoted to the discussion of socialization processes in the South African apartheid sysem of education (1948-1994). The socialization function of education is considered in-depth, with special attention paid to the racial inequality and discrimination in South African society. The article includes the consideration of school indoctrination and different aims of education and curricula in education subsystems for different racial groups in an Apartheid society.
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