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1
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Sens życia w ocenie Ojców Apostolskich

100%
Czyżewski B.
Vox Patrum
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2012
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vol. 57
93-101
EN
The issue connected with sense of life appears in the works of the Apostolic Fathers not only as a main subject, but also not occasionally. They used the motif of two roads to show the sense of behavior on the earth, according to the God’s commandments and his will. They do not condemn the earthly world but deeds, which lead people to death. Even in the face of his close martyrdom, they saw a clear aim: life on the earth is important, because it leads to God. The Apostolic Fathers tell also the truth connected with eternal life and hope to be used from the dead, which will take place after death. The sense of our life is – it leads a man to the resurrection.
2
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Presbyteroi w czasach Ojców Apostolskich

100%
Szewczyk P.
Vox Patrum
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2011
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vol. 56
261-270
EN
The ecclesiastical hierarchy, being a reality founded by Christ, is also subjected to his­torical evolution. The article discusses the history of pastoral service in the Church by ana­lyzing the meaning of the word presbyteros in the writingsof the Apostolic Fathers. It is obvious that the term which is derived from the Greek language indicates a person who exercises a pastoral ministry in the church community emphasizing his seniority, but not necessarily old age. Only for Papias „presbuteros” is a real old man who, because of his age, is a living witness to the time of the Apostles. The authority of the witness made him a guard­ian of the faith, that is to say „episcopos”, the bishop. The writings of Ignatius of Antioch and Clement of Rome suggest that in their community „the elders” should not be really old, they form a group which has a different role from that of the bishop. It seems that with the end time of the bishops/old-men in the Church two realities were formed: the episcopacy and the colleges of the presbyter. The establishment of relations and the division of powers between the „presbuteroi” and the man appointed bishop of his church community was therefore one of the most important questions of Christianity in the time of the Apostolic Fathers.
3
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Odpowiedzialność rodziców chrześcijańskich za moralno-religijne wychowanie dzieci w I - II wieku

88%
Strękowski S.
Civitas et Lex
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2016
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issue 4(12)
55 - 66
EN
The texts of the Apostolic Fathers are a clear testimony to the fact that the responsiblility for the moral and religious education of children is borne not only the ecclesial community, but above all it rests on the parents. They are before God and the community of believers in Christ are responsible for their educational activities in relation to their children. The main objective of these activities was shaping attitudes in the young man widely understood piety known in the biblical tradition as the fear of God. In this work, it is also important cooperation of young people conscious of great goals to achieve common. The effects of the educational process undertaken by Christian parents became apparent in the attitude of the heroic witness during the persecution.
4
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L'espérance chez les Pères Apostoliques

88%
Starowieyski M.
Vox Patrum
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1987
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vol. 12
371-381
EN
BRAK
5
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Egzegeza IV Ewangelii w pismach Ojców Apostolskich

75%
Paciorek A.
Vox Patrum
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1987
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vol. 12
325-335
EN
Hoc in brevi articulo expositum est, quomodo locutiones ac ideae Joannis evangelistae in selectis scriptis (Epistola Clementis Romani ad Corinthios, Epistolae Ignatii Antiocheni, Epistola Barnabae) mutuatae sint.
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„Na slunci si postavil svůj stan“: Nejstarší křesťanské výklady Žl 18(19), zvláště v. 5c

63%
Plátová J.
Studia theologica
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2014
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vol. 2
70-81
EN
The aim of this paper is to present ancient commentaries on Psalm 18 (LXX), with a special focus on verse 5c, in the works of Christian authors up to Origen. The paper initially draws attention to relevant passages in the works of the Apostolic Fathers as well as to the christological understanding of Psalm 18 in the work of Justin the Martyr. The main part consequently follows which is dedicated to the commentary of Psalm 18 in Eclogae Propheticae 51–63 written by Clement of Alexandria. This text in which Clement refers to Hermogenes and Pantainos, two less known figures of Early Christianity, represents the first systematic commentary on Psalm 18. Clement interprets the verse “In the sun he pitched his covert” not only from the christological, but also from the ecclesiological and eschatological point of view. The final part of the paper treats Origen’s commentary preserved in Pamphilus’ Apologia pro Origene. Origen supposedly interpreted Psalm 18 from the christological and ecclesiological point of view, however, unlike Clement he strongly disagrees with the interpretation of Hermogenes’ followers and, additionally, his interpretation lacks the eschatological level, so typical for Clement’s interpretation.
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Ethos męczeństwa i "non violence" w II stuleciu chrześcijaństwa

63%
Drożdż A.
Vox Patrum
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1987
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vol. 12
87-105
IT
L’articolo affronta il tema del "martirio cristiano" costellato di richiami e di analogie etiche che ricordano l'ethos di non violenza.
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Praktyki postne w wybranych relacjach pisarzy kościelnych greckich i łacińskich I-III wieku

63%
Kasprzak D. A.
Vox Patrum
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2020
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vol. 74
7-28
EN
The practice of religious fasting in the first three centuries of Christianity seems to have been culturally conditioned. Christian individual fasting on Wednesdays and Fridays was most likely a borrowing from the practice of the Essenes of Qumran (see Didache), as opposed to the individual fasting practiced observed by Pharisees. At that time Christians fasted in a similar way as Jews did, i.e., before the Christian Passover – from the sunrise of the previous day (Thursday) to the sunset of the next day (Friday). The Jewish and Christian post-1st-century traditions seem to coincide in increasing the number of  fasting days, which was motivated in both religious traditions by apocalyptic revelations. As for the divergence in the fasting traditions, the Pharisaic Jews would fast on Mondays and Thursdays without food and drink from sunrise to sunset of those days. On the other hand, Christians would fast on Wednesdays and Fridays merely living on bread and water, from sunrise to three o'clock. In the texts written by Alexandrian Christians of the turn of the third century, we find a synthesis of the Christian tradition of fasting and the ascetic and dietary philosophies of the Stoic and Platonic philosophy. Alexandrian writers laid more emphasis on temperance as a virtue and a diet as a choice rather than on religious fasting as such. On the other hand, in the Montanistic practices of two-week xerophagy we find the origin of a longer, fortnights’ fast before the Christian Passover. Until the third century, the Catholic Church called the two fasting days directly preceding Easter “Great Fast”. Up to the third century, official fasting was prescribed relatively seldom in the Church (before baptism and for two days before Passover). Individual fasting was practiced on Wednesdays and Fridays. It seems that longer fasting times were recognized in the Church up to the third century as a manifestation of false revelations or heresies.
PL
Praktyka postu religijnego w chrześcijaństwie w pierwszych trzech wiekach wydaje się być uwarunkowana kulturowo. Chrześcijański post w środy i piątki był najprawdopodobniej zapożyczeniem z praktyki Esseńczyków z Qumran (patrz Didache), w przeciwieństwie do indywidualnego postu faryzeuszy. W tym czasie chrześcijanie pościli podobnie jak Żydzi, tzn. przed chrześcijańską Paschą - od wschodu słońca poprzedniego dnia (czwartek) do zachodu słońca następnego dnia (piątek). Wydaje się, że tradycja żydowska i chrześcijańska w pierwszym wieku zbiegają się w praktyce zwiększania liczby dni postu, co motywowano w obu tradycjach apokaliptycznymi objawieniami. Jeśli chodzi o rozbieżności w tradycjach postnych, to faryzejscy Żydzi mogli przez cały dzień pościć w poniedziałki i czwartki bez jedzenia i picia od wschodu do zachodu słońca w tych dniach. Z drugiej strony chrześcijanie mogli praktykować post w środy i piątki na chlebie i wodzie, od wschodu do trzeciej. W tekstach chrześcijan aleksandryjskich z przełomu drugiego i trzeciego wieku znajdujemy syntezę praktyki chrześcijańskiej ze zwyczajami ascetycznymi i dietetycznymi filozofii stoickiej i platońskiej. Aleksandryjscy pisarze wskazywali bardziej na umiarkowanie jako cnotę i dietę jako wybór niż na post religijny jako taki. Natomiast w montanistycznych praktykach dwutygodniowej kserofagii możemy odnaleźć początek dłuższego, dwutygodniowego postu przed chrześcijańską Paschą. Kościół katolicki aż do trzeciego wieku, nazwał Wielkim Postem zwyczaj poszczenia dwa dni bezpośrednio przed Wielkanocą. Do trzeciego wieku włącznie w Kościele formalny post był postulowany stosunkowo rzadko (przed chrztem i dwa dni przed Paschą). Indywidualny post był praktykowany w środy i piątki. Wydaje się też, że dłuższy post był uznawany w Kościele aż do trzeciego wieku jako przejaw fałszywych objawień lub herezji.
9
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Ojcowie Apostolscy o Bożej karze za grzechy

63%
Wygralak P.
Verbum Vitae
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2019
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vol. 36
163-181
EN
The paper discusses the teaching of the Apostolic Fathers on God's punishment for sins. The Fathers base their reflections mainly on the Holy Scripture. Thus, they refer to the image of the way of life as the way of slavation, to which they devote most of their attention, and to the image of the way of death, which they try to warn the adresees of their writings against. The way of death is the way of negation of God's commandments, disregard of God's will and a stubborn persistence in sins. The consequence of such an attitude is eternal punishment, which the Fathers describe as death and deprivation of participation in the Kingdom of God. The man who denies God condemns himself to eternal punishment. He will burn in unquenchable fire. The teaching of the Apostolic Fathers is of a strictly pastoral character.
PL
W przedstawionym artykule zostało omówione nauczanie Ojców Apostolskich na temat Bożej kary za grzechy. W swojej refleksji opierają się przede wszystkim na Piśmie Świętym. Sięgają więc do obrazu drogi życia, której opisowi, jako drogi do zbawienia, poświęcają znacznie więcej uwagi, i drogi śmierci, przed którą starają się przestrzec adresatów swoich pism. Droga śmierci to droga negacji Bożych przykazań, lekceważenia woli Bożej i upartego trwania w grzechach. Konsekwencją takiej postawy jest kara wieczna, którą Ojcowie opisują jako śmierć i pozbawienie udziału w Królestwie Bożym. Człowiek, który wyparł się Boga, sam skazuje siebie na karę wieczną. Będzie on płonął w nieugaszonym ogniu. Nauczanie Ojców Apostolskich ma charakter ściśle pastoralny.
10

Ciało zmartwychwstałe w nauczaniu Ojców Apostolskich i św. Justyna

51%
Szram M.
Roczniki Historii Kosciola (Annals of Church History)
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2009
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vol. 1(56)
-31
XX
The article presents the teaching about the resurrected body in the 2nd century A. D. (Apostolic Fathers, Justin, Pseudo-Justin), up to the moment of the appearance of the first treatises devoted exclusively to resurrection; they were written by Athenagoras, Tertulian or Origen at the break of the 2nd century. On the basis of analysis of source texts the author puts forth the following theses: 1. The conviction about Christ’s resurrection was transmitted as one of the main truths of faith that prophesized raising of the dead, although the argument also appeared that referred to the Incarnation of Logos as the event giving the human body exceptional dignity, as well as stressed the role of God the Father as the Author of the new creature in the ultimate times. 2. Universality of resurrection as an act preceding the last judgment did not raise doubts in the authors of that period; however, they stressed rather the theological meaning and the salutary context of resurrection - that is, they understood it in the strict sense as the fact that just people will gain a new life in its fullness. 3. In some authors, especially in St Justin, the millenary context can be seen, suggesting the existence of resurrection for the just, who will live in a thousand-year kingdom that will still be an earthly, but already renewed one; this resurrection will be supplemented by the fact that people will gain new features, proper for eternal life, which can be received only after bringing back to life all the remaining people deserving eternal punishment in ultimate times. 4. In the discussed period spiritual understanding of resurrection was important. It was believed that in fact it begins with the baptism, and in ultimate times it only will be confirmed and supplemented by returning to human bodies. Moral conditions for receiving the new full life were important. Only those ones would attain it who would ‘keep their bodies chaste’; that is who would be faithful in their earthly lives to the grace received at the baptism. 5. The authors writing in that period were not particularly interested in anthropology. From the middle of the 2nd century the dualism of Hellenic origin was in fact typical. It emphasized that man consists of an immortal soul and a mortal body; however, this relation is not commented on so widely as in later apologetic writings. 6. Christian authors of the first two centuries A. D. most often used the phrase „ ανάστασιϛ νεκρων” for describing resurrection, and when they meant the resurrected body they more frequently used the term „ σάρξ” than „σωμα”, although these terms had similar meanings and they were used interchangeably. 7. Authors of that period did not consider the features of the resurrected body in detail. First of all they emphasized its immortality (αθανασία) and imperishableness (αφθαρσία). 8. Most works coming from the discussed period contain criticism of the doketistic views or ones rejecting resurrection, which proves that from the very beginning there was a current in the Church that questioned the possibility that the human body could return to life.
11
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Początki chrześcijańskiej nauki o wcieleniu w pismach Ojców Apostolskich

51%
Misiarczyk L.
Vox Patrum
|
2000
|
vol. 38
21-40
IT
S. Ignazio di Antiochia polemizzando eon i doceti giudaizzanti difende energicamente la realta delFincarnazione sottolineando che Cristo ha assunto una vera e non fittizzia carne umana, e nato veramente dalia Vergine Maria dalia stirpe di Davide, veramente pań sulla croce, veramente e morto e risorto nei tempi di Ponzio Pilato e di Erode. Perfino dopo la sua risurrezione si e comportato hos sarkikos. Ignazio prende come punto di partenza delle le sue riftesioni sulFincamazione di Cristo la realta delle sue sofferenze e della morte sulla croce negati dalie correnti del pensiero che eon difficolta accettavano il Messia sofferente. Vescovo di Antiochia non adopera mai il termine soma per descrivere la vera carne di Cristo, ma sempre sarks intendendo eon quest'ultimo la vera natura umana di Cristo. Egli difende quindi anche contro i sudetti doceti giudaizzanti e le speculazioni gnostiche la realta sia della vera natura umana che quella divina in Cristo. Di conseguenza il termine agennetos lo riferisce non alla persona di Dio Padre come sara fatto piu tardi, ma alla natura di Cristo. Il mistero delFincarnazione Ignazio lo descrive secondo lo schema pneuma-sarks; intendendo con pneuma,a la natura divina e eon sarks la natura umana di Cristo. Infine nel suo testo chiave definisce Cristo perfino come en sarki genomenos theos. E' importante notare che nelle Lettere di Ignazio troviamo Fesempio di una cristologia pneumatica conforme ai dati della rivelazione, quindi „ortodossa".
EN
S. Ignazio di Antiochia polemizzando con i doceti giudaizzanti difende energicamente la realta dell'incarnazione sottolineando che Cristo ha assunto una vera e non fittizzia carne umana, e nato veramente dalla Vergine Maria dalla stirpe di Davide, veramente pati sulla croce, veramente e morto e risorto nei tempi di Ponzio Pilato e di Erode. Perfino dopo la sua risurrezione si e comportato hos sarkikos. Ignazio prende come punto di partenza delle le sue riftesioni sull'incarnazione di Cristo la realta delle sue sofferenze e della morte sulla croce negati dalle correnti del pensiero che con difficolta accettavano il Messia sofferente. Vescovo di Antiochia non adopera mai il termine soma per descrivere la vera carne di Cristo, ma sempre sarks intendendo con quest'ultimo la vera natura umana di Cristo. Egli difende quindi anche contro i sudetti doceti giudaizzanti e le speculazioni gnostiche la realta sia della vera natura umana che quella divina in Cristo. Di conseguenza il termine agennetos lo riferisce non alla persona di Dio Padre come sara fatto piu tardi, ma alla natura di Cristo. Il mistero dell'incarnazione Ignazio lo descrive secondo lo schema pneuma-sarks; intendendo con pneuma la natura divina e con sarks la natura umana di Cristo. Infine nel suo testo chiave definisce Cristo perfino come en sarki genomenos theos. E' importante notare che nelle Lettere di Ignazio troviamo l'esempio di una cristologia pneumatica conforme ai dati della rivelazione, quindi „ortodossa".
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