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1

Mirror, Mirror on the Wall: Polititcal Cartoons of the Arab Spring

100%

Woźniak M.

Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies

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2014

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vol. 29

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issue 2

79-97

EN

The purpose of this article is to understand Arab political humour by applying an image studies approach to examine political cartoons presenting the Arab Spring and its aftermath. An attempt is made to search for common themes undertaken by the cartoonists, then the cartoons are divided into several categories according to these findings. It is proved that the political cartoons mirror collective consciousness on the one hand, and stimulate peoples imagination on the other. The cartoonists prefer to display Arab solidarity and serve as agents of ethical responsibility and socio-political change rather than just being funny.

2

Jemeńskie pragnienie demokracji - pomiędzy Arabią Szczęśliwą a terroryzmem. Przemiany polityczne i społeczne w Jemenie AD 2011

85%

Siadkowski A. K.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2014

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issue 1

315-334

EN

Yemen offers an excellent example of Orthodox Islam directly associated with the political situation of the state. In Yemen, Islam is the predominant state religion, subscribed to and practiced by a majorityof the society. Yemen is also an Arab country located in the vicinity of the most important Islamic place of worship - Mecca. It maintains certain tangible cultural symbols, such as khat, the cultivation of which significantly contributes to economic regression in agriculture, and in the social realm ostracizes those individuals who do not use it. Another, apparently contemporary, albeit surely infamous and undesirable, symbol of Yemen is the presence of Islamic extremism and terrorism. The rich history of Yemen, which used to be named ‘Happy Arabia’, brings to one’s mind the pictures of the fairytale-like existence of a society ruled by the magnificent Bilquis, the Queen of Sheba. From the historical perspective, Yemen can be seen through the story of the Queen of Sheba meeting King Solomon, as a country of fair government. The political present is far from being so bright. The division of Yemen into two independent states reunited in 1990 under the authoritarian rule of Al Saleh, triggered tensions leading to civil war. It was an unarguable benefit of Saleh’s Arab nationalism that he united North and South Yemen into the single organism of the Republic, but he failed to obliterate socio-political divisions. These divisions came to a head in 2011 when the Arab Spring led to society demanding changes that have ultimately benefited new ‘actors’.

PL

Jemen jest doskonałą egzemplifikacją ortodoksji islamskiej mającej bezpośrednie konotacje z sytuacją polityczną państwa. Jest to kraj, w którym islam jest dominującą religią państwową wyznawaną i praktykowaną przez większość społeczeństwa. Jest także krajem arabskim, w bliskości najważniejszego dla muzułmanów miejsca kultu - Mekki. Posiada swoiste namacalne kulturowe symbole takie jak khat, którego uprawa przyczynia się w zasadniczy sposób do regresu gospodarczego w obszarze rolnictwa, a w sferze społecznej powoduje izolację tych jednostek, które go nie zażywają. I wreszcie, co wydaje się być także współczesnym symbolem Jemenu, choć z pewnością niechlubnym i niepożądanym - nie jest wolne od zjawiska islamskiego ekstremizmu i terroryzmu. Bogata historia Jemenu, zwanego niegdyś Arabią Szczęśliwą może przywoływać na myśl obrazy o bajecznym życiu tego społeczeństwa pod panowaniem wspaniałej Bilkis, Królowej Saby. Może zatem Jemen w starożytnej perspektywie jawić się przez historię spotkania Królowej Saby z Królem Salomonem jako kraj sprawiedliwych rządów. Współczesność polityczna nie przedstawia się w jaskrawych barwach. Podział Jemenu na dwa niezależne organizmy państwowe, scalone w 1990 r. pod autorytarnymi rządami Alego Saleha powodował napięcia, włącznie z wojną domową. I choć niewątpliwą zasługą wynikłą z arabskiego nacjonalizmu Saleha było połączenie Jemenu Północnego i Południowego w jeden organizm - Republikę, to podziały polityczno-społeczne pozostały. Kulminacja przypadła na rok 2011, kiedy to na fali „Arabskiej Wiosny” społeczeństwo domagało się zmian, choć beneficjentami ostatecznymi zostali również nowi „gracze” destabilizująco wpływając na bezpieczeństwo w regionie.

3

Arabia Saudyjska wobec Arabskiej Wiosny

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Pohl A.

Przegląd Politologiczny

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2014

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issue 1

143-157

EN

The Arab Spring has led to a number of political changes in many states of North Africa and the Middle East. Elsewhere, it has led to internal conflicts and mass protests. It has triggered transformations, which all autocratic leaders in the Arab world should fear, as well as witnessed international rivalry for power. Saudi Arabia is one of the clearest examples of this. It might seem that this conservative, absolute monarchy is particularly susceptible to the radical protests of crowds demanding political changes. Simultaneously the state, which aims to play the role of a regional power, competing for this position against Iran, has had to take a stance and engage in the events in the region. Pacifying internal protests, Saudi Arabia resisted the Arab Spring on its territory. By contrast, beyond its borders it has supported either the protesters or ruling regimes depending on its current political interests. These interests are dictated by the rivalry against Iran, and rely on defending its spheres of influence (Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Tunisia) while displacing Iranian ones (Syria, Yemen).

PL

Arabska Wiosna spowodowała szereg przemian politycznych w wielu państwach Afryki Północnej i Bliskiego Wschodu. W innych doprowadziła do wewnętrznych konfliktów i masowych protestów. Stała się impulsem do zmian, których powinni obawiać się wszyscy autorytarni przywódcy świata arabskiego, jak również areną ścierania się międzynarodowych interesów. Szczególnie wyraźne jest to na przykładzie Arabii Saudyjskiej. Wydawać by się mogło, że właśnie ta konserwatywna monarchia absolutna jest narażona na gwałtowane protesty i wystąpienia tłumów, domagających się przemian. Jednocześnie państwo, chcące odgrywać rolę mocarstwa regionalnego i rywalizujące o nią z Iranem, musiało ustosunkować i zaangażować się w wydarzenia zachodzące w regionie. Arabia Saudyjska, tłumiąc wewnętrzne protesty, oparła się arabskiej wiośnie na swoim terytorium. Z kolei poza swoimi granicami wspierała (wspiera) bądź to protestujących, bądź panujący reżim, uzależniając swoje poparcie i działania od bieżących celów politycznych. Te z kolei dyktowane są rywalizacją z Iranem i polegają na obronie własnych sfer wpływu (Bahrajn, Egipt, Jordania, Tunezja) i wypieraniu z regionu Iranu (Syria, Jemen).

4

Challenges for EU in the Middle East: Use of Soft Power

80%

Bayir O. E.

Studia Europejskie-Studies in European Affairs

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2016

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vol. 2

9-19

EN

In this paper, I will attempt to analyze the policies and strategies of the EU towards the Middle East in the context of using soft power. Two main issues need to be questioned in this framework: 1) Can EU use soft power instruments effectively in the Middle East? 2) Is EU’s choice to conduct soft power policy in the Middle East, able to make the EU a leading actor in world politics in terms of struggling with new threats in 21st Century? First of all, I will try to discuss “soft power”, as a concept very briefly. Afterwards,I will focus on the differences between the perspectives and approaches of the United States and the EU on the solutions of the problems in the Middle East. While analyzing EU’s use of soft power in the Middle East, I will not refer the general policies of the EU towards the region. Instead of this, I will focus on the Arab Spring and the signifi cance of the recent movements in the region within the context of our subject. EU aims at creating peace and stability at its borders and prefers political and economic methods instead of military methods and hard power instruments. This paper examines how the EU uses this soft power instruments and what their consequences mean for the main issues in the Middle East. Besides, can this policy of the EU contribute to the solutions the problems, stability and peace in the region? The answers of these questions are very signifi cant within the context of EU’s approach to the Middle East, because of several reasons such as; course of the developments in the region, future success of European foreign and security policy and the role that EU is aiming for: ensuring its position as a global actor in world politics. and what their consequences mean for the main issues in the Middle East. Besides, can this policy of the EU contribute to the solutions of the problems, stability and peace in the region? The answers of these questions are very significant within the context of EU’s approach to the Middle East, because of several reasons such as; course of the developments in the region, future success of European foreign and security policy and the role that EU is aiming for: ensuring its position as a global actor in world politics.

5

Patterns of Libya’s instability in the aftermath of the collapse of Gaddafi ’s regime

80%

Szczepankiewicz-Rudzka E.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2016

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issue 42

227-246

EN

Four years after the end of its uprising against the Gaddafi regime, Libya remains in chaos. It is worth noting that for the third time since their independence in 1951, the Libyans’ attempts to create a modern and powerful state seem to be ‘wishful thinking’. The first two failed attempts – in 1951 and 1969 – were essentially local affairs without significant consequences beyond the country’s borders. The ongoing turmoil which followed in the wake of the Arab Spring in 2011 is leading to serious regional and international destabilization. This paper discusses the main factors of the instability in post‑Gaddafi Libya. According to the authors’ analysis, there are the following main obstacles in the process of transition toward democracy and peace: two competing governments, multiplicity of militias and combat groups operating in Libya, jihadism rising in power as well as the regional and ethnic claims for recognition and autonomy. The last part of this paper is devoted to potential scenarios for the future of Libya.

6

Dziennikarstwo obywatelskie w świecie arabskim na przykładzie blogów

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Woźniak M.

Przegląd Orientalistyczny

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2012

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issue 1-2(241-242)

34-49

EN

The most convenient forum for the civil journalism are blogs, which started to be perceived as valuable sources of independent information after 11 September 2011. During the last war in Iraq, they established their position in the Middle East thanks to such bloggers as Salam Pax. Although some Western scholars had anticipated that blogs would stimulate political change in the region, they were not able to predict the role really played by them (along with other social media like Facebook and Twitter), i.e. their help to ‘knock down’ the regimes in Tunisia and Egypt. Young readers of Arabic blogs were in the vanguard of protests. However, the Internet turned out to be also a tool of regime’s repression and censorship, facilitating identification of cyber activists. The article offers an overview of the Arabic blogosphere history. It presents the most renowned bloggers and their achievements, as well as general characteristics of blogs. Additionally, it discusses the situation of bloggers in the chosen countries before and after the ‘Arab Spring’ with special focus on Egypt. The objective here is to estimate to what extent Middle Eastern blogs can influence the Arab people turning them into civil societies.

7

Wpływ egipskiej Arabskiej Wiosny na strategię bezpieczeństwa USA

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Milczanowski M.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2013

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issue 3

35-51

EN

A relation between USA and Egypt are especially important in the scope of the security and stabilization process in Middle East and reflects on the whole world. According to the deep changes in many countries of Middle East and North Africa, started by the Arab Spring at the beginning of 2011, US policy had to transform, and have to be adjusted to the new circumstances and Egypt is particular important for the USA interests in the area. To achieve this, a deep analysis of the situation in Egypt is needed and also clear picture of the real stance of the main powers in this country. The situation when USA bases only on the support of the despotic rulers or just the leading parties is not acceptable for the future relations between USA and Egypt. If Americans wants to keep it’s influence on the Middle East, the new policy of dialogue, partner relations and respecting peoples will is have to be introduced.

8

Rola Egiptu w systemie bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego w okresie sprawowania władzy przez Bractwo Muzułmańskie

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Milczanowski M.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2013

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issue 4(26)

239-274

EN

Article presents the analysis of the Egyptian internal and international affairs after the presidential elections of 2012. Special focus was put on the internal changes effects on the international situation in the area of security and stabilization in the region. Social revolt which lead to the revolution in the January of 2011. Started by the young people, using internet for gathering for the demonstrations in order to try to keep control over the new rulers, was the first (beside the Tunesia) such movement in the Middle East, changing the politics of the regional powers as well as the key global powers in this region also. Very important for the new situation of Egypt in international affairs is the role of its Armed Forces and Secret Services. Both have great influences in every sphere of Egyptian life and possibility to change this country’s future. Changing of the internal situation in Egypt reflects on the many international factors such as in first row Arab‑Israeli conflict (and within it also Palestinian-Israeli conflict) and through this it impacts the peace in the region of Middle East and North Africa. Egypt during the rule of Muslim Brotherhood seemed to build an alliance with Turkey and Qatar which would make their stance much stronger in case of cooperation with USA or UE. If those countries will not fall into the extremism it is a occasion to build new kind of international relations in the region and much stronger system of international security.

9

Salafici w Egipcie i Tunezji w obliczu Arabskiej Wiosny

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Tonta R., Pędziwiatr K.

Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe

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2014

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issue 3

51-71

EN

One of the results of the Arab Spring, both in Egypt and Tunisia, was rise in popularity of the ultraconservative Salaﬁ movement. Despite one-sided media coverage, Salafists cannot be equated only with violence, because the vast majority of its members have taken a quietist approach rejecting not only violence, but any form of political commitment. This does not change the fact, however, that due to the doctrine adopted by Salafists, the boundary between quietism and political activity, and finally the use of violence is not clearly defined. It means that members of the movement, who previously declared themselves to be apolitical, can easily decide to engage in radical actions. The aim of this article is to draw attention to the ideological roots of Salafism, its internal divisions with regard to political commitment, and to analyse the development of the Salafi movement in Egypt and Tunisia before and after Arab Spring. It will also attempt to assess the possible development of this movement in the near future.

10

Zachodnie mocarstwa wobec wydarzeń w Afryce Północnej

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Kumelska M.

Forum Politologiczne

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2012

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vol. 13 - "Stare" i "nowe" mocarstwa w Afryce - stygmaty kulturowe, religijne, polityczne, ekonomiczne i społeczne

391-421

EN

The mass demonstrations, which took place in the North Africa, soon called "Arab Spring", constituted unexpected surprise for Western Great Powers. As yet, the international community, haven't expected, that mass protests could, firstly became grass roots initiative, which do not have any connections with political or religious organizations, secondly boiled over into huge, social movement able to drive authoritarian regime out. Western Great Powers were confident that such situation could have happened after coup achieved by Islamists. Events that took place in the North Africa at the turn of 2010 and 2011 have shown the miscalculations of the West. This paper presents the reactions of Western Great Powers to "Arab Spring".

11

Zahraniční a bezpečnostní politika Ruska a jeho zájmy v regionu Blízkého východu a severní Afriky v kontextu událostí arabského jara

80%

Tichý L.

Slovanský přehled: historická revue pro dějiny střední, východní a jihovýchodní Evropy (Slavonic Review: Review for Central, Eastern and Southeastern European history)

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2015

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vol. 101

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issue 1

125-156

EN

After the end of the Cold War, the relations between the Russian Federation and the states of the Near East and North Africa underwent many different developmental stages during the course of the next two decades. Whereas in the period of Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin’s presidency in the 1990s this region remained rather in the background of Russia’s interests, in the first decade of the 21st century Russia renewed its influence in this region during the presidencies of Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin and then Dmitry Anatolyevich Medvedev. The events of the Arab Spring became a new challenge for Russia in 2011. In the context of these actualities, there are two main goals for this article. The first is to compare the position of the Russian Federation’s foreign and security policies in the region of the Near East and North Africa in the periods before and during the Arab Spring against the background of Russian interests. The second goal of the article is to define the influence of post-revolutionary developments on Russian foreign and security policy in the region of the Near East and North Africa.

80%

Chmelař J.

Prague Papers on the History of International Relations

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2020

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issue 2

62-68

EN

Tunisian revolution was surprise for all actors. Authoritarian president Ben Ali had never thought about any possibility that his presidentship would end before his death. At the beginning people at streets could neither imagine that their movement nor change a state system. Western countries and institutions considered Ben Ali an ally because of war on terror/illegal immigration and secular tendencies. A/m article tried to show origin of revolution and its chronology. Huge corruption, weak economy and bad social system which were not able take care of new persons on labour market caused intensive tensions in society. We were able to see many actors and their examples of hopeless conducts. These sacrifices, esp. case of Mohammed Buazizi, were truly ignition spark of whole process.

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Mirror, Mirror on the Wall: Polititcal Cartoons of the Arab Spring