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EN
Since  1962,  when  Zbigniew  Gołąb  has  published  his  fundamental  study  on Aromanian  language in Macedonia, in Polish literature, beyond his study, there was a little interest in Aromanians as an ethnic group and in their language. In this article, the author focuses on 1) the changes the Aromanian language has been undergoing in the recent times, 2) how the transformation of the social situation of Aromanians  influences  the  development  of  the  language.  In  the  present  days, the  social  function of the ethnic language is transformed from the language of everyday use to the language as a symbol, label, marker of ethnicity, used in the special occasions. Opinions expressed by Aromanian intellectuals about their ethnic language, role in Aromanian social life, and their dilemmas, sorrows and enthusiasm, as well as activities around the ethnic language are the main objects of interest in the paper. The empirical material, applied to this study, was collected during the anthropological field research the author conducted in the summer seasons from 2007 till 2010 in all countries of residence of Aromanians: Greece, Macedonia, Albania, Bulgaria, Serbia, Romania. The empirical material includes more than 50 recorded and transcribed interviews with the leaders of Aromanian ethnic movement, informal conversations and observation notes taken during Aromanian public events.
PL
During the Second World War, the Aromanians had their own, different perspectives over the combatants and the political structure in the region. Some of them willingly adhered to the Italian project, supported the fascist army and liked the idea of a political-territorial organisation (their own state, Pind, or at least an Albanian-Romanian confederation) under the patronage of Rome. The existence of multiple power centres with particular interests and zealous leaders weakened the force of the discourse and damaged from the inside a state project which was doomed to fail anyway, in the conditions in which Italy seemed to have other plans. The presence of many groups and leaders who disputed their supremacy, legitimacy and representation had consequences on obtaining cultural and political rights on the territories organized by the Italians. The interventions of the Romanian government tried to answer some specific and immediate needs regarding food supplies or teaching materials, but they did not manage efficiently the material and human resources and could not stifle the local conflicts for power and money.
PL
The article will analyze the principal problems concerning research on the cultural heritage of displaced communities in Europe from the perspective of the Vlach minority. Based on the field research conducted in several countries of Europe (e.g. Greece, Macedonia, Romania, Ukraine, Slovakia and Poland), I will present the main classification of the Vlach tangible heritage with special attention paid to the most important cultural monuments, including religious building developments (churches, icons, small religious architecture). I will portray the difficulties found in protecting this heritage and the role of cultural institutions in its preservation and exposition. It can be stated that the example of the Vlachs perfectly illustrates the complex processes related to cultures which were overwhelmingly subjugated by their neighbours and lost the fight. A neighbour, usually representing the culture of the majority, was stronger culturally, economically, politically and often militarily. The article focuses on the phenomena which classical anthropology used to inspect, claiming that its role is to protect what is fading into oblivion. Thus, the analysis of the Vlach culture presented herein refers to a much wider reflection, which is a synergy of ethnography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, and to the critical studies on heritage which are emerging in Poland.
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Rumuńscy Arumuni i ich język

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EN
Until 1913, all Aromanians lived in the same state i.e. the Ottoman Empire, on equal terms with the other non-Muslim subjects of the sultan. After the Balkan wars, they did not succeed in forming their own state and they became separated by the new borders of the four countries: Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia and Albania. That quickly led to ethnic and linguistic tensions, especially in Greece, which continued its policy of forced assimilation of the Vlachs. The mass emigration to Romania, considered by many Vlachs as their only real homeland – first to the Southern and then to the Northern Dobruja – saved them from persecutions but did not protect their ethnic, linguistic and cultural distinctness from assimilation. After having settled in Romania, Aromanians adopted the Romanian identity and language according to the theory that they represented a part of the Romanian nation and their language – a dialect of Romanian. This traditional, pro-Romanian point of view was the only and official one for a half century, until the late 1970s. It still subsists but competes now with a new, opposite point of view, considered and named a “separatist” one. This new point of view envisages the Aromanians to be a separate nation with a distinct language and requires their recognition as a minority group on behalf of the Romanian authorities. Regarding the linguistic aspect, the Aromanian language used in Romania is strongly influenced by Romanian, both lexically and gramatically. For the Aromanian language, Romanian represents a source of modern life or abstract vocabulary and a model of morphosyntactic structures. As for the linguistic analysis in our present study, it is based on Aromanian-language articles and literary works, translated or original, written by Aromanian intellectuals from Romania (some of whom subsequently having emigrated in the meantime and lived in other countries).
EN
The article shows different aspects of the Greek policy towards Vlach communities, important for their social and cultural activity. The case of Vlachs/Aromanians living in Greece is analyzed from the point of view of relatively large and functioning ethnic minority group, located within the Greek national majority. The Greek „republican concept of nationality”, included into the official policy, doesn’t accept ethnic/national minorities in the state. The article is created on the basis of long-lasting anthropological research, conducted by the author. It contains opinions expressed by Vlach/Aromanian intellectualists living in Greece, representing various concepts of Vlachness.
PL
Artykuł ukazuje znaczenie polityki państwowej dla sytuacji społeczno-kulturowej vlaskich społeczności, żyjących w Grecji. W tym kontekście przypadek Vlachów/Arumunów jest analizowany z punktu widzenia względnie licznej grupy mniejszościowej, która roztapia się w greckiej większości. Grecki „republikański koncept narodowy”, realizowany w ramach oficjalnej polityki, nie aprobuje istnienia w mniejszości narodowych lub etnicznych w państwie. Artykuł jest oparty na antropologicznych badaniach terenowych autorki. Cytowane są w nim wypowiedzi vlaskich intelektualistów z Grecji, którzy reprezentują rozmaite koncepcje vlaskości. 
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