Search results - CEJSH

1

Znaczenie namiotu w życiu mieszkańców Górnej Austrii, czyli mockdokumentalne „Święto kurczaka”

100%

Kosińska-Krippner B.

Kwartalnik Filmowy

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2017

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issue 100 O świętowaniu

156-166

PL

Autorka analizuje austriacki mockdokument Waltera Wippersberga zatytułowany „Święto kurczaka” („Das Fest des Huhnes”) z 1992 r., będący parodią podróżniczych filmów o charakterze antropologicznym i satyrą na Austriaków, ich kulturę oraz zachowania białych w relacjach z „obcymi”. Autorka śledzi m.in. sposoby ewokowania humoru w „Święcie kurczaka” oraz proces kreowania w mockdokumencie z elementów rzeczywistości nieistniejącego święta związanego z nieistniejący

EN

The author points to the mock-documental potential of travel films and evokes examples of manipulation, staging and “pressing” reality into shape in this type of films. She analyses in this context the Austrian mock document by Walter Wippersberg entitled “Chicken Festival” (“Das Fest des Huhnes”, 1992), which is a parody of travel films of an anthropological nature and a satire on Austrians and their culture and behaviour of white people in general in their relations with “strangers”. The author follows, among others, the ways of evoking humour in the “Chicken Festival” and the process of creating in the mock-document a non-existent celebration, associated with a non-existent cult, out of elements of reality.

2

“An isolated case”: the Slovene Carinthians and the 1920 plebiscite

80%

Reinhard M. I.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2016

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issue 48

EN

“An isolated case”: the Slovene Carinthians and the 1920 plebiscite The end of WWI saw the dissolution of the multiethnic Central European Empires and the formation of new states based on Woodrow Wilson’s concept of national self-determination. This article underlines the limitations of Wilsonian national self-determination, focusing on the Slovene Carinthians and the pro-Austrian result of the 1920 plebiscite. The outcome of the plebiscite exemplifies that minorities are motivated by more than solely ethno-linguistic reasons when deciding what state to belong to. Even though other factors existed, the key motivations for Slovene Carinthians to remain with Austria were of economic and political nature. It will be contended that the importance of the centuries long acculturation of Slovene Carinthians to Austria brought them closer to Austria than to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Additionally the phrasing of the plebiscite made Slovene Carinthians’ decision a question of state preference rather than ethno-linguistic identity. Moreover, the unpleasant occupation of parts of Carinthia by the troops of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and the higher effectiveness of Austrian propaganda played a key role in the vote of many Slovene Carinthians. Lastly, the majority of Slovene Carinthians being farmers, reliant on Austrian trade opportunities, swayed them toward a pro-Austrian vote. Thus, the Carinthian plebiscite of 1920 builds a strong case against the assumption that ethnolinguistic ties alone should be the foundation for state formation arguing that other factors are equally or more important. „Odosobniony przypadek”: Słoweńcy karynccy i plebiscyt 1920 rokuZakończenie I wojny światowej przyniosło rozpad wieloetnicznych imperiów w Europie Środkowej i powstanie nowych państw w oparciu o doktrynę samostanowienia sformułowaną przez Woodrowa Wilsona. Niniejszy artykuł uwypukla ograniczenia Wilsonowskiego samostanowienia, skupiając uwagę na przypadku Słoweńców karynckich i korzystnym dla Austrii rezultacie plebiscytu z 1920 roku. Wyniki plebiscytu pokazują, że podejmując decyzję o swej przynależności państwowej, mniejszości kierują się nie tylko względami etniczno-językowymi. Dla Słoweńców karynckich, którzy zdecydowali się na pozostanie z Austrią, oprócz innych czynników kluczowe znaczenie miały motywy o charakterze ekonomicznym i politycznym. Autorka dowodzi, że wielowiekowa akulturacja Słoweńców karynckich w monarchii austro-węgierskiej spowodowała, iż bliższa była im Austria niż Królestwo Serbów, Chorwatów i Słoweńców. Taki wynik plebiscytu spowodowany był także sformułowaniem pytań: pytano o preferowaną państwowość, a nie o tożsamość etniczno-językową. Ponadto, kluczową rolę dla wyniku głosowania odegrał przykry przebieg okupacji części Karyntii przez wojska Królestwa SHS oraz większa skuteczność propagandy austriackiej. Wreszcie, fakt, że większość Słoweńców karynckich stanowili rolnicy, którzy chcieli nadal korzystać z dawnych możliwości, jakie dla tego zawodu stwarzała Austria, wpłynął na to, że głosowali oni za pozostaniem w tym kraju. Plebiscyt karyncki 1920 roku stanowi zatem przekonywające świadectwo niecelności założenia, że same tylko więzi etniczno-językowe mogą stanowić fundament kształtowania państwa, a ponadto dowodzi, że równie ważną rolę odgrywają w tym także inne czynniki.

3

Franz Anton Felix (von) Zeiller (1751–1828)

80%

Pułka A., Szymańska A., Wojciechowski R.

Kwartalnik Prawa Prywatnego

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2019

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vol. 28

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issue 1

5–41

EN

This article presents the life, career and works of Franz von Zeiller, who is considered one of the most influential Austrian lawyers. The authors attempt to present his activities in various fields: as an academic teacher, an author of scientific projects, a science promoter, a legal practitioner and, above all, as a legislator. After Martini’s death, Franz von Zeiller took over his work and completed the legal codification for the entire Austrian Empire, which at that time had been produced for quite a long time. To his credit, Franz Zeiller pushed through the universal character of the Austrian codification as a basic set of the civil law rules in the German-speaking countries of the Habsburg monarchy. The authors of this article present the scientific profile of Franz Zeiller primarily in the field of private law, without omitting his activities in the area of criminal law.

4

Politycy galicyjscy wobec sytuacji wewnętrznej w Austro‑Węgrzech w końcu pierwszej wojny światowej (1917‑1918)

80%

Gruchała J.

Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej

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2012

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vol. 47

PL

Galicia politicians to the internal situation in Austria‑Hungary at the end of World War I.(1917‑1918)The Austro‑Polish orientation adopted by almost all Polish parties in Galicia evoked their interest in the internal situation in the western part of the Habsburg Monarchy, Przedlitawia. It caused a considerable influence on the international position of the Monarchy, especially on its relationship with the German Empire, which represented a great importance of the position for the authorities in Vienna to the Polish case.The increase of Galician politicians’ interest in the internal situation of Przedlitawia occurred in 1917 when the Polish case became an international issue, and the State Council convention brought an escalation of the national aspirations of Czechs and southern Slavs, which evolved towards independence. Polish envoys dissociated themselves from demands made by the representatives of these nations, because the realization of the demands could only occur in the case of a change of a constitutional and political structure of Austria‑Hungary. Particularly, this applied to the postulate of the connection of Slovakia to the Czech state. Such position of the Polish Circle enabled the cooperation with the Slav envoys. Hopes for the realization of the Austro‑Polish solution and fears against the support of the Vienna government and the German parties for the Ukrainian efforts of Galicia contributed to such position. All this meant that even after the Treaty of Brest‑Litovsk Galician envoys with the exception of the National Democrats and the Socialists did not join the opposition.This was accompanied by a negative attitude towards the demands of German political parties. Their efforts to strengthen the alliance between Austria‑Hungary and Germany were subject to particular criticism. The Polish Circle relations with the German parties had a negative effect on their reluctant attitude to the Austro‑Polish solution.However, the position of the majority of Galicia envoys towards the aspirations of the Slavic nations did not change until the end of the war. For the cooperation with these nations, the National Democrats, Socialists and Populists were in favor of in the final phase of the war. But despite the declarations submitted by representatives of these parties any decision on this cooperation was not taken during the war. Галицийские политики по отношению к внутреннему положению в Австро‑Венгрии в конце Первой мировой войны (1917‑1918)Принятая всеми польскими партиями в Галиции австро‑польская политическая ориентация привела к тому, что возросла их заинтересованность внутренней ситуацией в западной части Габсбургской монархии, Цислейтании. Ситуация эта оказывала влияние на международное положение монархии, особенно на её отношения с Германской империей, что представляло огромное значение для позиции властей Австро‑Венгрии по отношению к польскому вопросу.Рост заинтересованности галицийских политиков внутренним положением Цислейтании наступил в 1917 г., когда польский вопрос стал вопросом международным, а образование Государственного Совета привело к росту стремлений Чехии и южных славян к независимости. Польские депутаты не признавали выдвигаемые представителями этих наций требований, потому что их реализация могла наступить только в случае изменения политического устройства Австро‑Венгрии. Особенно это относилось к требованию о присоединении к чешскому государству Словакии. Такое положение Польского Кружка сделало невозможным его сотрудничество со словянскими депутатами. Причиной тому послужили надежды на решение австро‑польского вопроса и боязнь поддержки правительством в Вене и немецкими партиями украинцев в вопросе по разделу Галиции. Все это привело к тому, что даже после Брестского договора галицийские послы за исключением национальных демократов и социалистов не перешли в оппозицию.Сопутствовало этому негативное отношение к предложениям, выдвигаемых немецкими партиями. Особенной критике подвергались их стремления к более тесному союзу Австро‑Венгрии с Германией. На отношения Польского кружка с немецкими партиями негативно влияло также их неохотное отношение к решению австро‑польского вопроса.Зато позиция большинства галицийских депутатов по отношению к стремлениям славянских народов не изменилась до окончания войны. За сотрудничество с этими народами в конечной фазе войны были национал‑демократы, социалисты и народовцы. Но, несмотря на предложения этих партий, до окончания войны не было принято никакого решения по вопросу данного сотрудничества.

5

Z historii dyplomacji polsko-austriackiej w latach 70. XX w. Wizyty kanclerza Austrii Bruno Kreisky’ego

80%

Kisztelińska-Węgrzyńska A.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2015

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issue 1(354)

139-156

EN

Federal Chancellor Dr. Bruno Kreisky overcame the peculiar isolation in Warsaw – Vienna contacts. The first major event in the history of mutual relations after World War II was a visit of the then Foreign Minister in Warsaw on 1-3 March, 1960. In the following years this politician paid four more visits in Poland as Chancellor in June 1973, January-February 1975, September 1976 and November 1979. The course of the visits and assessment of their effects provide insight into the role of Austria in the diplomatic activity of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the 1970s. The basic source of information on the assessment of Kreisky’s motives as a social democratic politician and a commentary on Austria’s foreign policy towards Poland is in the archives of the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the years 1972-1980.

6

The Re-Emergence of European East-West Migration – the Austrian Example

80%

Fassmann H., Kohlbacher J., Reeger U.

Central and Eastern European Migration Review

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2014

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vol. 3

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issue 2

39-59

EN

Since the fall of the Iron Curtain 25 years ago, the asymmetric Central European labour market that was cut off by different legal systems gradually disappeared and has now been replaced by a unified migration space, where the costs for migration or pendular mobility and the wage gain which migrants can achieve are the decisive factors in the decision of whether to migrate or not. Official statistics show that, over the past ten years, migration from the new member-states of 2004 and 2007 to the EU15 in general and to Austria – a country directly bordering many of the new EU member-states – in particular, has significantly gained in importance. This new East-West migration is characterised by high qualification, a concentration on employment-relevant age groups and high spatial flexibility. Migrants are moving if wage differentials are significant and employment opportunities are given and they return or move further away if the labour market loses its attractiveness. The new East-West migration can provide gains for the target regions, for the regions of departure and for the migrants themselves.

7

The Power of Migrants, or How Turkish Immigrants Influence the Austrian Economy

80%

Caseau C.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2012

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issue 2.3(20.3)

57-66

EN

The article undertakes an important interdisciplinary topic placed on the boundary between sociological and economic analysis. The author discusses Turkish immigrant work force settled in Austria. The role and place these immigrants occupy in the local social and economic structure reflects on the subjectivity of an individual and on their capability to directly and indirectly impact their environment. Conclusions presented at the end of the article indicate a surprising correlation or interdependence: a long tradition of migration, and extensive historical and cultural links do not translate into a strong position on the labour market. The author tries to answer the question why.

8

“Höchst unerwünschte Ausländer”: The fate of ethnic German expellees in post-war Austria

80%

Schippmann S.-C.

Sprawy Narodowościowe

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2012

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issue 41

7-21

EN

The large influx of ethnic Germans from the East into Germany at the end of the Second World War is a well-known and researched fact. However, there were also about 300.000-632.000 expellees that ended up in post-war Austria. In contrast to Germany, Austria was not required by the Potsdam Agreement to take them in and consequently advocated their deportation. It was not only the financial burden associated with the expellees but also Austria’s aim to convince the allies of the “victim myth” that motivated Austria to favour deportation over integration. Taking in ethnic German expellees would highlight Austria’s close past with Germany and could even be perceived as an acceptance of legal succession of the Third Reich. The allies initially supported Austria’s decision but except for a large number of deportations in 1946 the plan was not carried to its conclusion. Around 350.000 expellees were able to remain in Austria. However, the fact that they were not granted equal rights in all areas until 1971 shows they were not welcome in Austria for a long time.

9

Polityka imigracyjna kanclerz Angeli Merkel z perspektywy austriackiej

80%

Godlewska E.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2018

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issue 2(367)

121-135

EN

The article presents the basic premises of the immigration policy of Germany and Austria after the Second World War, considering the evolution it has undergone in the second half of the 20th century. The issues are presented as a context of later developments connected with the immigration crisis in Europe. Emphasis is placed on the reaction of the government in Vienna to the crucial decisions taken by Angela Merkel. Germany and Austria have for many decades based their activity in the domain of immigration policy on the same premises. In recent years, however, growing differences can be observed in this respect, as diverse visions of resolving the current immigration crisis have been proposed. The Austrian government has become more critical of the measures put forward by Angela Merkel. The article attempts to answer the question about the reasons of this state of matters. Does the criticism concern only proposals pushed by the German Chancellor at the EU forum or other issues as well? The conducted analysis will help verify the thesis that Austria’s negative attitude to Angela Merkel’s immigration policy in recent years follows from differences in the adopted legal solutions.

10

Regional Development in Advanced Countries: a Within-Country Application of the Human Development Index for Austria

80%

Schrott L., Gächter M., Theurl E.

DANUBE: Law and Economics Review

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2015

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vol. 6

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issue 1

1-23

EN

Since its implementation in 1990, the human development index (HDI), the flagship indicator of multidimensional development, has attracted a great deal of attention and critics in academic, political and media circles. It initiated a new stage in the discussion of appropriate indicators to measure socioeconomic development. Until now, the vast majority of empirical work using the HDI concept has taken a cross-country perspective. The main aim of this paper is the application of the HDI at the sub-country level in small, highly developed and socioeconomically homogenous countries. For this undertaking we use a slightly modified version of the HDI, called the regional development index (RDI). For the components of the RDI - life expectancy, education and standard of living - we use recent cross section information for Austria at the level of districts. There exists considerable heterogeneity across districts in the RDI and its components. Our Theil-decomposition reveals that the overwhelming part of the observed heterogeneity is based on differences within provinces (96 percent), although the differences in life expectancy between the provinces explain a substantial part of the overall heterogeneity in this indicator (54 percent).

11

Międzynarodowe znaczenie Austrii w okresie rządów Karla Rennera w ocenach dyplomacji polskiej

80%

Jeziorny D.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2014

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issue 2(351)

139-158

EN

After the dissolution of Austria-Hungary the role of the small Austrian Republic diminished. The article answers the question about the assessment of this situation by the Polish diplomacy. Both countries were new on the international scene of Europe and both were endangered by their neighbours. Warsaw was aware of the difficult internal and international situation of Austria and that is why, facing her own challenges to state independence and sovereignty, was not inclined to co-operate with Vienna. The Polish Government only focused on the possibility of transit of French military materials via Austria to Poland. But Polish diplomatic and military representatives were reporting news about Austria and her foreign relations. These reports show Poles’ good grasp of the whole complicated situation of Central Europe, providing a description of Vienna’s relationships with the Great Powers which won World War I and its smaller neighbours. Those opinions could be assessed as competent although in some aspects the role of Austria in international relations was exaggerated. Some reports prepared by Polish military representatives were misleading. They probably did not want to strenghten Germany through the Anschluss of Austria as Berlin was treated as Poland’s key enemy. Such an approach probably led to subjective anti-German and anti-Austrian opinions presented by them.

12

Status prawny mniejszości narodowych w Austrii na przełomie XXi XXI wieku

80%

Godlewska E.

Forum Politologiczne

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2007

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vol. 5 - Narody XXI wieku

177-195

EN

Nowadays there are six groups in Austria, which are officially known as national minorities. According to the figures from the 2001 national census, 17 241 persons have declared they were speaking Croatian in everyday life, 14 746 Slovenian, 15 390 Hungarian, 5 778 Czech, 1 775 Slovak and 1 732 Roma language. The widest rights possess Slovenian, Croatian and Hungarian minorities. In the administrative and judicial districts of Carinthia, Burgenland and Styria, the Slovene, Croat and Hungarian language are accepted as an official language in addition to German. In suchdistricts topographical terminology and inscriptions shall be in this languages as well as in German. This groups get also the biggest financial help from the government. The Roma, Czech and Slovak minorities have worse situation than others. The constitution, the acts (mainly from 1976 year) and many ordinances regulate problems of minorities. They guarantee the rights in different sphere of live (like education, culture, language rights). But on the other hand the group of people which speaks minority language has been decreased. In Austria Polish people are not accepted as the minority. There is still no official ordinance about that.

13

Austriacka polityka zagraniczna w XXI wieku. Kontynuacja i zmiana

80%

Kisztelińska-Węgrzyńska A.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2016

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issue 4(361)

281-300

EN

When analyzing the foreign policy of Austria in the twenty-first century, it is worth to ask the question about the role of diplomacy in Vienna in the modern world. Following the enlargement of the European Union in 2004, some fixed elements dominant in relations with European countries can be seen. A rapidly evolving situation in the Middle East and Ukraine brought a number of challenges and Austria is trying to find its own solutions to the growing problems. Austria seeks solutions that would meet the needs of a neutral state, lying in the heart of the old continent and having ambitions to be a mediator in international disputes attentive to intercultural dialogue. Among the fixed elements of the Austrian foreign policy, little has changed in the last few years: the principle of permanent neutrality, integration within the EU structures and relations with countries from outside the European area should be mentioned. The change of Viennese diplomacy is observed in the use of soft power, support of the Balkan countries and cooperation with the Russian Federation during the conflict in Ukraine. Another thread connecting the two groups of factors is the issue of the impact of foreign policy on the political life of Austria.

14

Slovakia, Austria and the Allies during the Years of World War II

80%

Manák M.

Historia Slavorum Occidentis

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2016

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issue 1(10)

217-238

EN

The position of Slovakia and Austria in international relations during the Second World War had a different character – whereas for the fi rst time in its history Slovakia gained its (limited) autonomy, Austria lost its independence and became an integral part of the German Reich. At the Conference of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the USA, USSR and Great Britain in October 1943 in Moscow, however, an agreement was reached: Austria was to acquire a unique status in the post-war period: although it was perceived as a war ally of Germany, Austria should still be treated as a free and again independent country after the war. The post-war fate of Slovakia was quite the opposite: in agreement with the Czechoslovak government in exile in London, the Allied Powers confi rmed the restoration of the pre-conditions of the Munich Agreement, according to which the First Slovak Republic ceased to exist after the defeat of Germany in May 1945.

80%

Županič J.

Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)

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2015

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vol. 113

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issue 3

748-781

EN

A deep transformation of Austrian society, and consequently that of the aristocratic community occurred during the reign of Franz Joseph I. They lost their role as mediator between the Monarch and his subjects, i.e. their nobility rights, serfdom was also abolished. The aristocratic title as such was, however, preserved and the granting of it continued to be an important means of creating a group of inhabitants loyal to the sovereign and the state. This study interprets in detail the reasons for the change of Austrian aristocratic society after 1848 and the consequences of this situation for both the aristocratic community and the monarchy as a whole.

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