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Балканските војни и проекциите за Македонија (македонски поглед)

100%
Ристовска-Јосифовска [Ristovska-Josifovska] Б. B.
Slavia Meridionalis
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2012
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vol. 12
EN
The Balkan wars and the projections about Macedonia (Macedonian view) The main focus of this paper is the time just before and during the Balkan Wars (1912– 1913), analyzed through the public writings of the Macedonian emigrants in Russia. We focus on their attitude, opinions and interpretations of the political events, as well as the reactions to the decisions of the great powers – as an expression of the Macedonian view to the Balkan Wars and the projections about Macedonia. In this context it is interesting to see whether they concern the national question and how they articulate the opinions on reception of the results of the Balkan Wars.The attention of the Macedonians was pointed almost exclusively to the national problem and the Balkan Wars, even after the beginning of the World War I. They were engaged in find­ing a solution for the Macedonian national question and the realization of the idea for national state. At the same time they were displaying in the Russian public their understanding of the political events and their attitude: warning about the possible partition, demanding a support for foundation of a Macedonian state and protesting against the partition.But, besides the organized intellectuals in emigration, the Macedonian national question remained at the margins of the interests of the great powers of Europe or has been used as a tool for solving other political questions. The appeals of the Macedonian intellectuals were not enough influential and Macedonia entered in World War I with all the consequences: the confirmation of the borders from the separation and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. This very difficult and complicated period lasted up to the foundation of the national state in World War II at the territory of today’s Republic of Macedonia. Wojny bałkańskie i wizje Macedonii (perspektywa macedońska) W artykule – na podstawie analizy publicznych wystąpień macedońskich emigrantów w Rosji, ich poglądów politycznych, opinii i interpretacji wydarzeń politycznych, jak również reakcji na decyzje wielkich mocarstw – podjęto zagadnienia związane z okresem wojen bał­kańskich 1912–1913 i ukazano macedońską perspektywę kwestii macedońskiej. Zaprezento­wano też ważne problemy odnoszące się do sposobu traktowania spraw narodowych i sposobu artykułowania stanowisk wobec następstw tych wojen.Uwaga Macedończyków, nawet po wybuchu I wojny światowej, kierowała się niemal wyłącznie na kwestie narodowe i wojny bałkańskie. Ich zaangażowanie sprowadzało się do poszukiwania rozwiązań spraw narodu macedońskiego i prób urzeczywistnienia idei wła­snego państwa. Środowiska emigrantów prezentowały przed rosyjską opinią publiczną swoje rozumienie zachodzących wydarzeń politycznych, by zapobiec podziałowi terytorium, a jed­nocześnie poszukiwać wsparcia dla koncepcji utworzenia państwa macedońskiego.Macedońska kwestia narodowa, podejmowana przez pozostającą na emigracji inteligencję macedońską, pozostawała na marginesie zainteresowań wielkich mocarstw europejskich lub była wykorzystywana instrumentalnie do rozwiązywania innych problemów politycznych. Apele intelektualistów macedońskich nie wywarły wpływu na sytuację międzynarodową. Macedończycy przystąpili do I wojny światowej z wszystkimi tego konsekwencjami – za­twierdzonymi granicami podzielonego terytorium. Ten trudny i skomplikowany okres trwał aż do utworzenia państwa narodowego w czasie II wojny światowej na obszarze obecnej Re­publiki Macedonii.
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Friedensnobelpreis für Tomáš Masaryk? Ein Intrigenspiel

86%
Hannig A.
Český časopis historický (The Czech Historical Review)
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2015
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vol. 113
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issue 2
418-453
EN
This study deals with the lesser known story of the nomination of Tomáš Masaryk for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1913 and 1914. It covers the following questions: Who nominated Masaryk and for what purpose? What was the official motivation for his nomination? How did the leading circles in Vienna react to the nomination? As Masaryk was one of the harshest critics of the Habsburg Monarchy, especially of its foreign policy, his nomination was extremely controversial. It preoccupied the diplomats and officials during the crisis of the two Balkan Wars when Masaryk tried to play an active role in foreign policy. This article focuses on the analysis of the actions of the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Office and the heir to the throne Francis Ferdinand trying to frustrate his nomination.
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Austro-Hungarian Foreign Policy and the Independence of Albania

86%
Ukshini S.
West Bohemian Historical Review
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2021
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vol. 11
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issue 2
167-207
EN
This paper aims to analyze the role and impact of the Austro-Hungarian policy on maintaining the territorial status quo in the Balkans at the time when the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire was becoming inevitable. The independence of Albania was because of three main factors: the Albanian revolt in 1912, First Balkan War in 1912/13 and the diplomacy of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The Albanian revolt in 1912 gave the decisive blow against the Ottoman administration in Kosovo, which even resulted with the occupation of Skopje, but, due to internal differences Albanians did not declare independence from the Ottoman Empire. The First Balkan War hastened the decision of the Albanian leaders to declare independence, which can also be seen as a reaction of a threat of occupation to the Albanian territories by the Balkan Alliance (Serbia, Greece, Montenegro, and Bulgaria). However, Serbia and Montenegro managed to occupy Northern Macedonia (part of the Vilayet of Manastir). In this context, the role of the Austro-Hungarian diplomacy during the London Conference (1912–1913), was crucial for the recognition of the independence of Albania and the determination of the borders of the Albanian state. Since the occupation in 1878 and the later annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908, the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was strongly interested and involved in the Balkans, both economically and politically. The rivalry between Austria-Hungary and Russia over the dominance in the Balkans intensified since the beginning of the twentieth century and led to a deterioration of their relations. In this context, Austria-Hungary was interested in creating the Albanian state as a counterbalance to Serbian and Russian influence in Southeast Europe, as a barrier to prevent the territorial extension and to block the road of Serbia, wich had already occupied Kosovo, toward the Adriatic.
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Nadzieje i stracone złudzenia. Wojny bałkańskie w świetle tekstów z kręgu Dimitriji Čupovskiego i Krste P. Misirkova

81%
Moroz-Grzelak L.
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
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2012
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vol. 19
297-308
EN
This article addresses the sense of national identity of the Macedonians in the period of the Balkan wars and their aftermath. The first source material were used journalistic texts and calls in the journal „Makedonskij Golos” published by Macedonian expatriates gathered around Dimitrija Čupovski in St. Petersburg in the years 1913-1914. Second was diary Dnevnik) written by Krste Petkov Misirkov in 1913. Expression of these two major characters in the Macedonian history reflect geopolitical policies conducted in the Slavic population in the Balkans. It is an important source material documenting the national consciousness of intelligence derived from the Macedonian lands. This indicates that the main topics which were then undertaken focused on the defense of the whole Macedonian territory, aspirations to create their own state and diversified approach to the idea of the Slavic community.
PL
This paper addresses the sense of national identity of the Macedonians in the period of the Balkan wars and their aftermath. The first source material were used journalistic texts and calls in the journal „Makedonskij Golos” published by Macedonian expatriates gathered around Dimitrija Čupovski in St. Petersburg in the years 1913-1914. Second was diary Dnevnik) written by Krste Petkov Misirkov in 1913. Expression of these two major characters in the Macedonian history reflect geopolitical policies conducted in the Slavic population in the Balkans. It is an important source material documenting the national consciousness of intelligence derived from the Macedonian lands. This indicates that the main topics which were then undertaken focused on the defense of the whole Macedonian territory, aspirations to create their own state and diversified approach to the idea of the Slavic community.
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Rumuńskie roszczenia terytorialne wobec Bułgarii w dobie wojen bałkańskich

81%
Znamierowska-Rakk E.
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
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2012
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vol. 19
287-295
EN
This article is to demonstrate the genesis and repercussions of the Romanian territorial claims against Bulgaria during the war period of the 1912-1913 in the Balkan Peninsula. What is most stressed is the direct relationship of the said claims with the separation of Bessarabia from the Romanian state, executed by the 1878 Berlin truce and annexation of Northern Dobrudja, a region inhabited mostly by Bulgarians. This last fact inspired the anxiety in Bucharest, that Bulgaria might claim that land by force. This was worsened after 1908, when Bulgaria proclaimed itself a sovereign empire, intent on incorporating major parts of Macedonia and Thrace since the decisive victory over the Ottoman Turkey. Such broadening of the Bulgarian borders was regarded in Bucharest as a threat to the political equilibrium in the Balkans, endangering the Romanian state security and territorial integrity. As a result the government of Romania issued a claim to reestablish the border with Bulgaria, which was in essence a claim over Southern Dobrudja. In spite of rather favorable international circumstances in the early XX century, the Romanians were unable to bring this notion into being until the second half of 1913, the outbreak of an inter-alliance war, a result of frictions between Bulgaria, Serbia and Greece. The lack of success on the side of the Bulgarian armed forces at the western front and the fact that their northern and northeastern provinces were left unprotected incited Romania to invade Bulgaria and annex the Southern Dobrudja. A Turkish invasion followed shortly. As a consequence, and with recognition of the European superpowers of the time, on 10th August 1913 in Bucharest a harsh treaty was imposed on Bulgarians, with the loss of the contested Southern Dobrudja amongst other terms.
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Pułkownik Redl. Polityczne wątki afery w prasie polskiej

81%
Stępnik K.
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
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2012
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vol. 19
249-286
EN
The most famous spy scandal before the outbreak of the First World War, took place during the time of intensified diplomatic actions taken to stop the Balkan War. At night on May 24th 1913, Colonel Alfred Redl, the chief of staff for the VIII. Corps stationed in Prague – having been exposed by counterintelligence – committed suicide in Klomser Hotel in Vienna. His death was directly connected to the fact that the special commission that consisted of high ranking officers was established in the extraordinary mode. The case of Russian spy was known only to an exclusive group of ‘initiates’. Nevertheless, it was almost immediately leaked to the press and evoked scandal that stirred up public opinion in Austria-Hungary. The motifs of the scandal – described in Polish press releases of that time: in Cracow, Lvov and Warsaw – have been analyzed in the article. They were significant in the context of political struggle, led mainly between two antagonistic forces: the Austrophiles and the Russophiles. Seemingly distant from Polish matters, the spy affair turned out to be an important factor that ‘catalyzed’ political attitudes of the Poles. The aspect of Redl’s nationality became a significant element of the polemics. And the scandal undermined Austro-Hungarian morale, especially the morale of Slavic nations subject to the Empire; the more so as, at exactly the same time, a political corruption affair which Hungarian Prime Minister was involved in, happened in Budapest. The events that happened in Galicia in May and June 1913 – as connected with political and economical turning point that autonomous country reached, which was caused by Austro-Hungarian preparations for Balkan War – have been examined here as the background context. In this article, basing on a wide range of press sources, the author classifies and describes some key political motifs of the Redl affair: especially the change of ideas about the Balkan War – in accordance to common opinions expressed in Polish press – now bringing the fatal threat to Austro-Hungary. (Russia came into possession of mobilization plans). The other topics are: the decline of Austro-Hungarian prestige on the international arena, the criticism of the code applying to officer corps, assigning Redl the Jewish origin by the anti-Semitic press, attacks on the ones that supported Austro-Hungarian orientations, including those who organized a kind of ‘substitute” for Polish military forces under the auspices of the monarchy, and finally – the spy psychosis.
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Aspekty ekonomiczne i społeczne wojen bałkańskich 1912-1913

81%
Dymarski M.
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
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2012
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vol. 19
221-230
EN
At the dawn of the XXth century the Balkan countries were intent on waging war against Turkey. In the preparation period, however, they had severely exceeded their economic and demographic capabilities. The arms production consumed vast amounts of money, leading to an extraordinary debt of the Balkan states. The 1912-1913 wars have proved to be a veritable ordeal for the economies of the involved countries as well as their social endurance. This great sacrifice was supposed to further the national goal of defeating Turkey and finally establishing the inter-state borders, even in the face of an impending economic collapse. The Balkan conflicts turned into a war of attrition, a harbinger of what was to come during the World War I. The pre-war efforts and the cost of the actual warfare brought Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia, Montenegro as well as Turkey to the brink of economical breakdown and major social turbulence. The calling of 1.3 million men to arms resulted in halting the industrial production and an agricultural crisis in the countries of the Balkan Alliance. The civilian transport sector was non-existent (since all the means and assets had been requisitioned by the military) which proved fatal to the commerce. This in turn greatly diminished the states’ tax income, further worsening the financial repercussions of the war. The number of soldiers fallen, wounded or killed by cholera were reaching hundreds of thousands. Due to the harsh war conditions and the lack of suitable attention many of the wounded have become disabled, which banned them from the work market and doomed them to social benefits. Amongst the consequences of the war were also migrations of the civilians, forced by the war itself and the following border changes. The Christian refugees alone numbered hundreds of thousands, while any real means of administering to the basic needs of the displaced masses were actually non-existent. On the Muslim side the losses amounted to 620,000 Turkish soldiers and civilians. A further 440,000 have been displaced and moved to Anatolia. Moreover the pillage, the atrocity, as well as the destruction of private property have engraved the feelings of mutual hatred and longing for a vendetta in the minds of the Balkan people.
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Bitwa pod Kumanowem na łamach gazety „Politika” – mit umacniający pozycję polityczną króla Aleksandra Karadjordjevicia

81%
Michalak P.
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
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2012
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vol. 19
169-179
EN
Although the commander-in-chief of the Serbian army during both Balkan wars was the chief of staff, general Radomir Putnik, it was his subordinate, a mere 24 years-old Prince Aleksander. The battle of Kumanovo (23rd–24th October 1912), considered as one of the most important battles of the First Balkan War, brought him a great prestige. It seems, that Aleksander tried to strengthen his image as an honest and honorable soldier fighting in defense of his homeland and for the liberation of all South Slavs. It was an effective way of obtaining sympathy subjects, the way, which began to be used on a larger scale after taking the throne by Aleksander Karadjordjević (16th August 1921). The largest and most popular newspaper in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (since 1929 Yugoslavia), the daily “Politika” supported the official political line of the king. A very interesting aspect of this activity is its way of presenting events associated with the commemoration of the battle of Kumanovo. The cultivation of the so-called “myth of Kumanovo” was important aspect of king’s Aleksander policy, who in the face of ongoing problems and disputes in the internal policy of the country, wanted to be seen as “unifier”, soldier and hero, who was not interested in political games. Much of his subjects perceived him exactly in that way.
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Pierwsza wojna bałkańska według francuskiego dziennika „Le Temps”, a zachodnioeuropejskie stereotypy dotyczące ludów bałkańskich

81%
Sajkowski W.
Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
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2012
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vol. 19
241-248
EN
“Le Temps” was one of the most important French newspapers of the first half of XXth century. In the first two months of the first Balkan war the progress of this conflict was the most important subject for the editors of “Le Temps”. The information provided by the daily had a binary character. On the one hand the readers might found the descriptions of diplomatic and military operations of the states participating in conflict, and the other political powers interested in the situation in the region. On the other hand the journal systematically published large commentaries made by the political commentators and the Balkan correspondents of the daily. In the articles published in “Le Temps” one can find the images of Balkans which are typical for Western European image of Balkans, which started to emerge in the beginning of XVIIIth century. It is important to underline that this image of Balkans presented in “Le Temps” did not concern only politics and war. The conflict became a pretext for the presentation of wild Balkan nature and the traditional culture of the Balkans. In the articles published in the newspaper it is possible to find also the reflections concerning the backwardness of social structures of Balkan people and their civilizations, as well as the remarks on the process of modernizations of those societies caused by military mobilization. “Le Temps” promoted the Western European stereotypes about Balkans, which up to that time were present mainly in travel journals, not so influential as the daily journals. The representation of Balkans presented by “Le Temps” was the synthesis of the images already known. The example of this journal shows that the image of Balkan people in the time of the Balkan war may be considered as the climax of the process of evolution of the Balkan stereotypes.
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Remains of the Neglected Past. Ottoman Forts on Planinica Hill, Montenegro

72%
Bugaj U., Lutovac P., Trzeciecki M., Bogacki M., Chwiej M., Novak M., Polak Z.
Sprawozdania Archeologiczne
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2014
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vol. 66
385–398
EN
Planinica — a hill situated on the edge of a vast mountain range delimited to the south-east by the Zeta Plain. It is a part of historical region known as Malesija inhabited mainly by the Albanians. During the field research on Planinica in 2012–2013 a group of stone structures was documented. It consists of circular stone tower surrounded by quadrilateral wall, several small enclosures of trapezoid or pentagonal plan and a network of roads leading to the top of the hill. The arrangement of the buildings indicates that the most likely function was military. They can be described as an observatory tower surrounded by small auxiliary forts. The complex of stone structures on Planinica was most probably built by the Turks after 1878 as a part of system of fortifications guarding newly established Turkish-Montenegrin border. The border survived until the Balkan War in 1912. After that Planinica was no longer been a point of military interest and the forts on its top have undergone progressive destruction. The stone structures on Planinica are not mentioned either in archaeological or historical publications in Montenegro, except the watchtower, which is interpreted as a prehistoric burial mound destroyed by the Turks. The buildings on Planinica hill remain “in the shadow” of the prehistoric stone tumuli, which represent a positively valorised, very distant past.
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