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[Rev.:] Ol’ga Al’bertivna Bigun, Byzantinum: pro et contra. (Ambivalence of Byzantinism in Taras Shevchenko’s writings), Misto NV, Ivano-Frankivsk, 2014. 412 p.

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Slipuško O. N.

Religious and Sacred Poetry: An International Quarterly of Religion, Culture and Education

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2014

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issue 2(6)

231-238

EN

Comparative studies of Taras Shevchenko’s legacy focused around the ascertainment of the interaction between the poet’s imaginative world with Christian tradition have a long history and some achievements. Unfortunately, Byzantine spiritual culture in the force field of which Taras Shevchenko emerged as a person and an artist, almost entirely fell out of the sight of scholars studying Shevchenko’s creative work (except for the studies of Yaroslav Rozumnyi and Oksana Yakovyna). This gap has been adequately filled by Olga Bigun’s monograph Byzantinum: pro et contra. (Ambivalence of Byzantinism in Taras Shevchenko’s writings), which presents the first comprehensive attempt at perception of Byzantine tradition in Taras Shevchenko’s creative work relying on Ukrainian national history, mentality, and spirituality. The choice of this very material points to the researcher’s involvement in the complex controversial issues of Byzantine cultural and civilizational influence. The monograph demonstrates the author’s impressive knowledge in the sphere of Byzantine studies (V. Bachynin, A. Domanovskyi, E. Gibbon, V. Zhyvov, K. Leontiev, D. Obolenskyi, F. Uspenskyi, Yu. Chornomorets, І. Shevchenko, N. Yakovenko) and corresponds to the “culturological turn“ of modern comparative studies the essence of which lies in forward movement from essentialism of literariness towards social codes, conventions, and representations aimed at expanding the horizons of the interpretation of a literary text. The main issue addressed in the monograph is how the world view and philosophical and aesthetic ideas of Taras Shevchenko about byzantinism correlate with his artistic phenomenology, imaginative artistic imitation/dialogue of Byzantine cultural experience. Olga Bigun emphasizes the ambivalence of Shevchenko’s byzantinism: byzantinism as a tradition, as the world of immanent Christianity, and byzantinism as a philosophical and political paradigm and textual substrate. The variant of synthesis of contact and of genetic, historical and typological approach to the analysis of binary collisions of byzantinism proposed in the monograph enables the reader to clarify the origins of ambivalence of this notion in Taras Shevchenko’s creative work. The monograph has a clear, logical structure. The first chapter explores the principles of forming ideas about byzantinism in Shevchenko’s world view. External influences have been analyzed here: historical sources (Е. Gibbon), works of Ukrainian religious figures (K. Turovskyi, М. Smotrytskyi, І. Kopynskyi, P. Mohyla, D. Tuptalo), social and political thought (О. Bodianskyi, H. Halahan, О. Hertsen, M. Kostomarov, М. Maksymovych, О. Khomiakov, P. Chaadaiev), as well as internal factors (religiosity, Christian sensitivity, brilliant intuition, through knowledge of the Bible as well as of patristics and eidetic imagery). This chapter also deals with the iconic concept of a symbol approached through the prism of religious (Christian) understanding of the image. The author argues that Taras Shevchenko’s iconic paradigm of a symbol was a logical continuation of the Kyivan- Rus one and, even further, of the Byzantine tradition, which have a common basis: a universal principle of Christian philosophical and aesthetic fundamentals. A typological analysis of Litany to the Blessed Virgin Mary by Roman Sladkospivets and the poem Mariia by Taras Shevchenko is carried out by means of the application of logos ideas of conciliar unity incarnated in the Virgin. The typological parallels of the image of “Mother Church” in the writings of M. Smotrytskyi and I. Vyshenskyi are analyzed. Characterizing Shevchenko’s aesthetics, Olga Bigun sees it as a transformation of Byzantine tradition through emotional and sensual dominant of cordocentrism peculiar to Ukrainian ethnos. Taras Shevchenko became acutely aware of “Byzantine” religious and cultural model of Russia which actually followed Golden Horde civilizational patterns and was “alien” to the cultural and mental perception of the world by the poet. Immediate impressions of the author are recorded in The Diary, and his receptive interpretations can be seen on the pages of his books as well as in his paintings. The second chapter provides a comprehensive description of the Byzantine concept of holiness in the works of Taras Shevchenko. The study of genesis and formation of the symbolic parallel of Kyiv-Jerusalem is of particular interest. The meaningful content of Jerusalem idea demonstrates Taras Shevchenko’s thorough knowledge of the Old Testament dogmatic theology in the sphere of Judaic history and culture. Comparison of Kyiv with Jerusalem is carried out on the basis of symbolization and allegorization. Introducing the mythologema of Jerusalem to the discourse of the artistic works, Taras Shevchenko brings about actualization of its Biblical semantic field adapting it to social and political, cultural, and spiritual needs of the epoch. Shevchenko’s interpretation of “Jerusalem features” of Kyiv as a sacral, not a political center is close to Kyiv idea of the Ukrainian polemicists of the 16th and 17th centuries. The typology of the Church Slavonic language as informational and symbolic structure in the spiritual legacy of Kyivan Rus and creative works of Taras Shevchenko is also considered in the second chapter. Following L. Hnatiuk, the author examines the Church Slavonic language without applying a genetic approach, but analyzing its functional parameters in the linguistic consciousness of its speakers. Taking into consideration Shewchenko’s early acquaintance with biblical texts (which started at school), Olga Bigun, addressing the studies of several linguists (H. Vynohradov, L. Hnatiuk, H. Yavorska), focuses on the ready blocks for the description of situations, actions, and experiences that are actualized automatically as the speaker is focused on literary presentation. ”That’s why in the creative work of Taras Shevchenko” – argues the author of the monograph – ”along with the meaningful reception of biblical topography there is also the level of mechanical/ automatic feedback of linguistic consciousness to this or that artistic idea by citations, allusions, reminiscences from the Bible” (p. 152). Chapter three – Christian messianism: Taras Shevchenko and Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood – written in a polemical manner, deserves particular attention. It seems that the attention of the researcher was caught by every single mention of a definite range of problems. Such thoroughness is another feature of scholarly writings of Olga Bigun. Prudence and thoroughness in the handling of complex research material provides significant results for the conclusions to the unit: "Christian messianism of Shevchenko has no clear national color. For the poet, the freedom of the people, their free self-expression is the greatest blessing and he does not speak of the superiority of this or that ethnic group. The roots of such beliefs are close to Evangelical Christian life prescriptions with no ethnic distinctions, where "there is no Greek nor Jew, no circumcision nor uncircumcised, no barbarian nor Scythian, no slaves nor free ..." (Col. 3:11). Therefore, the essence of the religious nature of Shevchenko’s Messianic beliefs is that the freedom of one nation does not deprive another nation of free existence " (s.192). Chapter Byzantinism as knowledge: mythology of the book in the works of Taras Shevchenko is devoted to significant characteristics of the book in the relative plane: a book in the Byzantine tradition – in Kyiv Rus literature – in the works of Taras Shevchenko. Reception of the phenomenon of the book in the works of Taras Shevchenko is multi-faceted, but its ideological dimension resembles the idea of bookishness in the early stages of Christian culture. Attention is drawn to the special status of Shevchenko’s lyrical characters, who display portrait wisdom which is not always interpreted by the poet in a positive way (Moskal’s well). Apparent parallels with Kyiv Rus literature are here conspicuous, as the ambivalence of the image of the book inherent to the medieval mind is traced on the one hand and, on the other, mind, literacy, and intelligence are pointed out. Ambivalence in relation to education is peculiar to Shevchenko's works; it is rooted in his acquaintance with the religious and ideological stereotype common for ancient Ukrainian literature. We should also note the attention paid to the artistic interaction that expands informative horizons of the monograph (chapters Between the Old and the New Covenant: on the problem of dialogueness and Iconographic themes of art paintings). The fourth and final chapter is devoted to the detection of morphological concept of Christian Paideia in ancient literature and works of Taras Shevchenko. Shevchenko’s employment of the principles of Christian ethics and aesthetics to create a semantic horizon of the works directed towards the plane of the inner morality of a human being, his awareness of the possibility of exercising freedom of spirit through proper knowledge and action, is considered separately. The image of monasticism in creative work of Taras Shevchenko through comparison with ancient texts, interpretation of the myths of the army of Christ/militia Dei in his poem Haidamaky and, the exegesis of the poem When I die, bury me with elements of reconstruction of Moses’ testament – should be of a particular interest to the reader. The findings in Olga Bigun’s study are scientifically-grounded, considerate, provided with theoretical, historical and literary arguments, and the monograph is based on extensive bibliography. In general, Olga Bigun fully fits the coordinates of modern Ukrainian research in artistic legacy of Shevchenko, has significant theoretical and methodological, historical and literary potential, providing productive criteria of literary analysis. In particular, this is the first monograph in Ukrainian literary criticism where a reasonable concept of Shevchenko’s byzantinism and its artistic denotations are put forward. This concept consists of: 1) intersemiotic premise of byzantinism in cordocentric transformation; 2) the basic structure of holiness and its many contexts; 3) mythologema of a book and apology of bookishness as presentation through the system of symbols and images; 4) artistic perspective of paideia. Multifaceted reading of Byzantine intentions in the works of Taras Shevchenko is a defining feature of the monograph. It reveals the ideas absorbed from the outside, their artistic reception and immanent layer of Byzantine tradition with holistic picture of typological similarities and differences in the works of Ukrainian literature of the previous periods.

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Miasto na skrzyżowaniu mórz i kontynentów. Wczesno- i średniobizantyński Konstantynopol jako miasto portowe. Redakcja Mirosław J. Leszka, Kirił Marinow, Wydawnictwo Lodziensia nr XXIII]

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Pentek Z.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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2017

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vol. 24

245-248

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„Eat, drink and be merry” (Luke 12:19). Food and wine in Byzantium. In honour of Professor A.A.M. Bryer, ed. L. Brubaker – K. Linardou, Aldershot – Hampshire 2007, Ashgate Publishing Limited, ss. 272.

51%

Kokoszko M., Gibel K.

Vox Patrum

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2009

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vol. 53

719-728

PL

nie dotyczy

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Wizualizacja dziejów mandylionu w tradycji wschodniochrześcijańskiej ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem ikon rosyjskich

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Kobrzeniecka-Sikorska G.

Forum Teologiczne

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2020

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vol. 21

149-167

PL

Według tradycji, pierwowzory ikon powstały w sposób nadprzyrodzony, nie zostały uczynione ludzką ręką (gr. a-cheiro-poietos). Należą do nich ikony Matki Bożej (wizerunek z Lyddy i portret wykonany z natury przez św. Łukasza pod natchnieniem Ducha Świętego), a przede wszystkim wizerunek Chrystusa odbity przez niego samego na tkaninie, z języka greckiego zwany mandylionem. W późniejszej tradycji prawosławnej acheiropoietycznym wizerunkiem pozostał mandylion z Edessy, ale w okresie preikonoklastycznym istniało wiele tego typu wyobrażeń Chrystusa. Do VI w. palladium cesarstwa bizantyńskiego była tkanina z Kamuliany. O mandylionie z Edessy źródła wspominają dopiero w VI w. Jego kult związany jest ściśle z opowieścią, która obrastała z czasem w różne fakty. Syntezą wszystkich legendarnych historii, zaczerpniętych z różnych źródeł, jest Opowieść o mandylionie z Edessy, która powstała po przeniesieniu świętej tkaniny z Edessy do Konstantynopola (944 r.). To ona stała się głównie podstawą do wizualizacji legendarnej historii na ikonach. Najwcześniejszym przykładem ilustracji opowieści jest tryptyk synajski z X w., następnym 10 scen umieszczonych na okładzie mandylionu z kościoła San Bartolomeo degli Armeni w Genui z XIV w. Od XVII w. malowane były ikony mandylionu z dziejami Rosji. W XIX w. historia mandylionu stała się oddzielnym tematem ikon. Mandylion - „nie ręką uczyniony” - wielokrotnie był uwikłany w różne ideologie polityczne, ale przede wszystkim, jako wizerunek, będący jednocześnie relikwią kontaktową, pełnił funkcje ochronne, był darem łaski danym człowiekowi przez samego Boga. Dzieje mandylionu są dziejami łaski, począwszy od łaski uzdrowienia króla Abgara i opieki nad jego królestwem i mieszkańcami, po łaskę ochrony i licznych uzdrowień od jego replik i licznych naśladownictw.

5

Wpływy bizantyńskie w średniowiecznej kulturze bułgarskiej

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Gjuzelew W., Uniwersytet Sofijski im. św. Klemensa Ochrydzkiego, Marinow K.

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2009

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vol. 8

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issue 1

EN

Bulgaria, a neighbour of Byzantium, though related to the empire in respect of its religion, culture, and sometimes even transformed into a Byzantine province, never turned into its integral part nor copy or emulator. It cannot be doubted that it was the Church thanks to which the spirit of Byzantium most profoundly penetrated into the way the medieval Bulgarians thought and acted. From the mid. IX c. onwards, the Bulgarian Church was dominated by its Byzantine ecclesiastic counterpart, whose major centers (Constantinople, Thessaloniki and Mount Athos) exercised spiritual guidance over the subjects of Bulgarian rulers. Christianization and gradual Slavization of the Bulgarian state introduced Bulgaria into Christian and European cultural universalism. However, it should be also remembered that the same process also settled Bulgaria comfortably within the borders of the Byzantine commonwealth. These were the court of the ruler and subsequent capital centers of the Bulgarian state which were especially prone to followin the footsteps of the Byzantines and to be affected by Byzantine influences. However, medieval Bulgaria adopted the Byzantine model of government and culture only partially and remodeled it to suit its own, Le. Bulgarian, interests. Moreover, it was Bulgaria which made the Byzantine model known to Slavic orthodoxy (Serbian and Russian), the Vlachs and the Moldavians, thereby widening the spatial scope of Byzantine impact.

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Aleksander Paroń, Pieczyngowie. Koczownicy w krajobrazie politycznym i kulturowym średniowiecznej Europy, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN, Wrocław 2015, ss. 520.

45%

Leszka M. J.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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2016

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vol. 23

203-206

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Błażej Cecota, Arabskie oblężenia Konstantynopola w VII–VIII wieku. Rzeczywistość i mit, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, Łódź 2015, ss. 208+4 nlb. [Byznatina Lodzensia XXI]

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Jakubowski F. A.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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2016

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vol. 23

199-203

8

Rola eunuchów na dworze cesarzy bizantyńskich. Przypadek Narzesa

38%

Malinowski R.

Vox Patrum

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2017

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vol. 67

373-387

EN

The article is divided into two sections. First presents the role of eunuchs in Byzantine Empire in general. Second section focuses specifically on Narses, his life, main achievements and legacy. The term eunuch (eÙnoàcoj) is ambiguous. It generally refers to people who are not able to procreate due to natural constitution or mutilation, but it can have many various meanings. It can also refer to the man who is absent from procreation due to impotence or celibate. For people who has been born incapacitated or with some hormonal anomalies we use term „natural eunuchs”. There were several functions of eunuchs in Byzantine state we can differentiate. First is religious. Eunuchs were present in institution of Church from the very beginning. They could have been priests and patriarchs if they did not become eunuchs as a result of self-mutilation. Many eunuchs were high officials at the court of Byzantine emperors. They served as envoys, agents and as a members of palace guard. They were also responsible for superintending of the emperor’s son. And finally, eunuchs were successful and talented military leaders. Life of Narses is fascinating example of a great career of eunuch in Byzantine Empire. He owes his success to his many talents and sympathy and protection of the emperor Justinian and his wife Theodora. He came to Constantinople from east, probably as a slave. At the beginning, he was a low rank official at the court. He also served as a member of the palace guard. Thanks to his intelligence and flexibility he became chamberlain at the court. Later he got a generalship of Byzantine army in Italy. He was called back to the capital, after he got involved in conflict with great general Belisarius. Several years later, however, Justinian once again used his skills to finally crush Ostrogoth’s army. He spent his last years of life as governor of conquered land.

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Kwestia obsady stanowisk magistrów militum za panowania cesarza Zenona (474–491)

38%

Leszka M.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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2021

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vol. 28

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issue 2

5-22

EN

Originating from Isauria, Emperor Zeno was a ruler who struggled more against internal opponents who made attempts to deprive him of power (usurpations of Basiliskos 475-476, Martian 479, Illus and Leontius 484-488) than against external enemies. Zeno's career, before becoming a ruler, was of a military nature. He was certainly a comes domesticorum and magister militum per Orientem, and some scholars believe that he may also have held the position of magister militum per Thracias and magister militum praesentalis. The aim of the article is to make an attempt to answer the question what the emperor, who had rich military experience, was guided by when appointing magistri militum. A review of the available information concerning the appointment of magistri militum by Zeno leads to the conclusion that these posts were a means of recruiting or rewarding people whose support the emperor needed for some reason. The highest positions of command were relatively often given to members of the imperial family or the families of influential personalities at the imperial court or their protégés.

PL

Kwestia obsady stanowisk magistrów militum za panowania cesarza Zenona (474–491). Wywodzący się z Izaurii cesarz Zenon, to władca zmagający się bardziej z wewnętrznymi przeciwnikami, którzy podejmowali próby odebrania mu władzy (uzurpacje Bazyliskosa 475–476, Marcjana 479, Illusa i Leoncjusza 484–488) niż z wrogami zewnętrznymi. Kariera Zenona, zanim został władcą miała charakter wojskowy. Z pewnością był komesem domesticorum i magistrem militum per Orientem, a część uczonych uważa, że mógł zajmować również stanowisko magistra militum per Thracias oraz magistra militum praesentalis. Celem artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytanie czym kierował się dysponujący bogatym wojskowym doświadczeniem cesarz przy powoływaniu magistrów militum. Przegląd dostępnych informacji, dotyczących powoływania magistrów militum przez Zenona prowadzi do wniosku, że stanowiska te były środkiem do pozyskiwania lub wynagradzania ludzi, których wsparcie było z jakichś względów potrzebne cesarzowi. Najwyższe stanowiska dowódcze stosunkowo często rozdawane były członkom cesarskiej rodziny czy rodzin wpływowych osobistości na dworze cesarskim względnie ich protegowanych. Trzeba zaznaczyć, że kandydaci na magistrów militum dysponowali najczęściej jakimś wojskowym doświadczeniem, ale nie musiało być ono szczególnie bogate.

10

Własi w Bizancjum – do początku XI w.

38%

Dudek J.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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2021

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vol. 28

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issue 1

35-50

EN

Byzantine sources up to the 10th century do not mention the Vlachs, but they contain information about thegroups of Romans inhabiting the Avar and Bulgar states in the period between 7th and 10th century. After the conquests of Emperor Basil II, the Balkans returned under the Byzantine rule. However, the Vlachs did not obtain the status of the Romans (Rhomaioi) but were treated as semi-barbarian subjects (Bulgarians, Serbs).

PL

Źródła bizantyńskie do X wieku nie wymieniają Wlachów, są w nich jednak informacje dotyczącegrup Rzymian zamieszkujących państwa Awarów i Bułgarów w VII–X w. Po podbojach cesarza Bazylego IIcałe Bałkany powróciły pod władzę bizantyńską. Wlasi nie uzyskali jednak statusu Rzymian (Rhomaioi) leczpotraktowano ich jak półbarbarzyńskich poddanych (Bułgarów, Serbów).

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Badania wczesnobizantyjskiej twierdzy w Bałcziku (Bułgaria)

38%

Kic W.

Ochrona Zabytków

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1983

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issue 1-2

146-148

12

Między Scyllą determinizmu a Charybdą niepewności: spotkania klimatologów z historykami i archeologami średniowiecznego BliskiegoWschodu

38%

Izdebski A.

Historyka Studia Metodologiczne

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2013

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vol. 43

13

„Dopóki śmierć nas nie rozłączy” – wybrane postawy małżonków ze świata Lewantu w X–XI wieku

32%

Wierzbiński S.

Łódzkie Studia Teologiczne

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2017

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vol. 26

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issue 1

115-126

EN

Indisputably marriage is one of the most significant aspects of human life. Currently it is often said that in our society we can observe erosion of social relationships, which also cover relationships within marriage. Looking for the answers about the character of this phenomenon, one often points out material difficulties married couples often have to cope with. In order to verify this thesis in this text we present and analyze selected mutual attitudes of spouses in the Levant world in the 10th-11th c. AD in various difficult moments in their lives.

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Instytucja rodziny w teologii Pawłowej i Bizancjum w opiniach sądów cerkiewnych Despotatu Epiru

32%

Borkowski A.

ELPIS

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2016

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vol. 18

37-44

PL

Św. Paweł naucza, że życie rodzinne opiera się na związku mężczyzny i kobiety, które symbolizuje związek między Chrystusem i Jego Cerkwią. Drugą wskazówką życia rodzinnego jest edukacja i wychowanie dzieci „w Chrystusie”. Apostoł Paweł w swoich listach udziela rodzicom rad, w jaki sposób należy wychowywać swoje dzieci, a dzieciom, jak powinni się zachowywać wobec swoich rodziców. W tych zaleceniach można wyróżnić podstawowe elementy edukacji chrześcijańskiej dzieci. Dla apostoła Pawła zachowanie zdrowych relacji jest niezbędne nie tylko w stosunkach między małżonkami, ale także w relacjach między rodzicami i dziećmi. Rodzice ponoszą główną odpowiedzialność za tworzenie pedagogicznych relacji z dziećmi i mogą przyczynić się do ich edukacji, poprzez dostarczanie im właściwych bodźców społecznych. Instytucja rodziny od dawna przyciąga zainteresowanie uczonych bizantyjskich. Pod wpływem - między innymi - nauk społecznych, w ostatnich latach położono szczególny nacisk na funkcję rodziny jako jednostki społecznej i ekonomicznej w społeczeństwie bizantyńskim. Ponieważ małżeństwo jest podstawą do tworzenia rodziny, omawiany obszar badawczy obejmuje przepisy regulujące zawieranie małżeństw (wiek, kryteria wyboru małżonka), zaręczyn, przeszkód do zawarcia małżeństwa, instytucji posagu, statusu żony i dzieci, rozwodów, itd. U Rzymian, małżeństwo było aktem cywilnym. W miarę rozprzestrzeniania się chrześcijaństwa, Cerkiew stopniowo zajmowała stanowisko odnośnie tej instytucji. Celem małżeństwa jest prokreacja i utrwalenie rasy ludzkiej, pod tym względem jest przedmiotem zainteresowania zarówno Cerkwi i państwa. Istotny punkt zwrotny został osiągnięty przez Leona VI Mądrego (886-912), który uznał małżeństwo pobłogosławione przez Cerkiew za jedyne legalne. Później, poczynając od Tomosu (997) patriarchy Sysaniusza, skodyfikowano przeszkody do zawarcia małżeństwa z powodu pokrewieństwa lub powinowactwa. Ważnymi źródłami do badań nad rodziną i stosunkami prawnymi wynikającymi z małżeństwa są decyzje i opinie sądów cerkiewnych Despotatu Epiru, a zwłaszcza te należące do biskupów Jana Apokaukosa i Demetriosa Chomatenosa.

EN

St Paul teaches that family life is founded on the union of a man and woman, which symbolises the relation between Christ and His Church. A second guideline to family life is the education and upbringing of children “in Christ.” The Apostle Paul, in his letters provides parents with advice on how they should raise their children, and children on how they should behave in relation to their parents. In this advice, although limited in number and extend, one can distinguish the basic elements of Christian education for children. For the Apostle Paul, the cultivation of healthy relations is indispensable, not only in the relations between husbands and wives, but also in the relationship between parents and children. Parents have the main responsibility for the creation of pedagogic relation with their children and they can contribute to their education, by providing them social stimuli. The institution of the family has long attracted the interest of Byzantine scholars. Influenced by, among other things, the social sciences, the focus has expanded in recent years to include the function of the family as a social and economic unit in Byzantine society. Since marriage is the basis for the formation of a family, the field of study embraces the rules governing the contracting of a marriage (age, criteria for the selection of a spouse), betrothal, impediments to marriage, the institution of marriage portions and bridal gifts, the status of the wife and children, divorce and so on. Under the Romans, marriage was a civil act. As Christianity spread, the Church gradually came to intervene and acquire a role in the institution. The purpose of marriage is procreation and the perpetuation of the human race, and in this sense, it is of interest to both church and state. A turning-point was reached with the promulgation by Leo VI the Wise (886-912) of Novella 89, which laid down that only marriages blessed by the Church were legal. Later statues, beginning with the Tome (997) of Patriarch Sisinnius, codified the impediments to marriage by reason of kinship or affinity. Among the most illuminating sources for the study of the family and the legal relations deriving from marriage are the decisions and opinions of the ecclesiastical courts of the principality of Epirus and specifically those of the Metropolitan, John Apokaukos, and the Archdiocese of Ochrid, under Demetrios Chomatenos. It is interesting to note that these two prelates considered the cases brought before them not only in the light of the secular law and Church rules, but also with a certain broadness of mind and social sensitivity.

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Misjologia prawosławna w ujęciu historycznym – główne trendy

32%

Dzhala G. M.

Nurt SVD

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2020

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issue 2

90-107

PL

Działalność misyjna prawosławia – mimo dostępnych źródeł – pozostaje na Zachodzie nieznana. Niektórzy badacze stwierdzają nawet, że Kościół bizantyjski w ogóle nie interesował się misjami. Zdarzają się też opinie, wedle których rozwój prawosławia w Cesarstwie Bizantyjskim, a następnie Moskiewskim spowodował, iż działalnością misyjną nikt nie był zainteresowany. Mimo to osiągnięcia w misyjnej działalności prawosławia są niemałe. Misje prawosławne znacznie wyprzedziły misje katolickie w Azji, wypracowując swe metody i tworząc bogatą historię. Z tych powodów w niniejszym artykule omówiono zagadnienie misjologii prawosławnej w kontekście historycznym. Wskazano, że w przypadku prawosławia zorganizowana działalność misyjna związana była z silnym uzależnieniem Cerkwi od państwa, a regularna misja Rosyjskiej Cerkwi Prawosławnej, podporządkowana polityce państwowej, rozwinęła się od podbicia Kazania przez Iwana IV Groźnego w 1552 roku.

EN

The missionary activity of the Orthodox Church – despite available sources – remains unknown in the West. Some scholars even state that the Byzantine Church was not interested in missions at all. There are also opinions that the growth of Orthodoxy in the Byzantine Empire, and then in the Moscow’s one, resulted in the very low interest in missionary activity. Despite this, the achievements in the missionary activity of Orthodoxy are considerable. The Orthodox missions were far ahead of the Catholic missions in Asia, developing their own methods and making an affluent history. For these reasons, the article discusses the issue of Orthodox missiology in a historical context. It indicates that in the case of Orthodoxy, organized missionary activity was associated with the Church’s strong dependence on the state, and a systematic mission of the Russian Orthodox Church, subordinated to state policy, developed after the conquest of Kazan by Ivan IV the Terrible in 1552.

16

Historia Bizancjum w programie VI Kongresu Mediewistów Polskich (Wrocław, 20-22 września 2018)

32%

Kochanek P.

Vox Patrum

|

2019

|

vol. 72

329-335

17

Wojsko pogańskiej Bułgarii w opinii bizantyńczyków. Wybrane aspekty

32%

Leszka M. J.

Vox Patrum

|

2015

|

vol. 63

417-428

EN

The present text focuses on presenting opinions of the Byzantines about the rulers of pagan Bulgaria as military leaders and reasons given by Byzantine authors explaining mishaps of their troops in battles against Bulgaria. The author concludes that, in general, the Byzantines did not allow for a thought that they could be defeated by any external power, in the least by the barbarian Mysians/ Bulgarians. However, if such occurrences took place, they were considered to be caused by divine intervention or negligence of the Byzantines themselves (i.e. disloyalty, lack of cooperation between commanders, low morale of the army etc.) and never result from genuine capability of the enemy, actual courage of the hostile forces or the adversaries’ leadership skills (which were generally discounted).

18

Szlachetni, odważni, dzicy? Obraz Waregów i Franków w oczach Bizantyńczyków w X-XI w.

32%

Wierzbiński S.

Vox Patrum

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2018

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vol. 69

647-679

EN

During Xth and XIth century the Byzantine Empire was one of the strongest states in the Levant. In mentioned period the emperors undertook numerous military campaigns, both in order to expand the borders of the empire and restitute their authority on once lost lands. Due to its prestige and wealth the Empire was a favorable destination for foreigners, including mercenaries. As a result, in Byzantium one could meet warriors of a very diversified ethnic descent. The presence of numerous foreigners could not escape the attentions of Byzantines themselves, who in time formed a distinctive view concerning those newcomers. Among many mercenaries two managed to obtain extraordinary status and step out in the eyes of Byzantine citizens. The first group were the Varangians, who at the end of Xth century formed the famous emperor`s guard. The second group of mercenaries were warrior from the West, usually referred to as the Franks. The main aim of this paper is to examine the genesis of mentioned warriors in Byzantium and the roots of stereotypes attached to them.

19

Elity chrześcijańskie wobec islamu (VII-X wiek)

32%

Wolińska T.

Vox Patrum

|

2015

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vol. 64

529-567

EN

It is difficult to find equally important event in history as the birth of Islam and Arab expansion, although their importance was not appreciated at first. Its appearance was a breakthrough in several dimensions: religious, political, economic, cultural and lingual. The article attempts to discuss the reaction of Christian elites to the new monotheist religion. Initially, Islam was not identified as a new, separate religion. It was believed that the invaders would be chased away soon. The invasion was perceived in the biblical context, as a punishment for sins and as a work of the devil. So thought Sophronios, Theodor, John of Nikiu. Other writers pointed out Jews and heretics as the cause of God’s anger (Maximus the Confessor), but also emperor Constans (Anastasius the Synaite, Sebeos, some anonymous authors). A debate between Christians and Muslims commenced when Muhammad was still alive and both parties knew virtually nothing of each other. With time, the knowledge about Islam increased, although it still depended on education, social status, place of residence and knowledge of Arabic. In the 8th century it became obvious that Muslim rule would continue which can be observed in the opinion expressed by such writers as Sebeos, Anastasios, Denys of Tell Mahré or Ghewond. The task of Christian elites then, was to survive in an alien, not in frequently hostile environment and to preserve Christian faith. It was even more important when, particularly under the Umayyad rule, the religious policy became worse for Christians, which resulted in numerous conversions to Islam. The church must have felt threatened, consequently new arguments in the disputes with Muslims were needed. A form of a dialogue or polemics between two adversaries appeared. This can be seen in the texts of Theodor Abu Qurra, John on Damascus, in the polemics between patriarch Timothy with caliph Mahdi (781), homilies of a Syriac bishop from Iraq Mar Aba II (641-751), a discourse between monk Bert Hale and a wealthy Muslim or the answer of emperor Leo III to caliph Umar II (719), to mention just a few. The Christians attacked primarily Muhammad himself. He was accused of being a heretic or fake prophet. His knowledge would come either from Jews or heretic Christians. His adversaries pointed out that he had not done miracles as Christ had. It was also said that his revelation had been nothing but his dream or a result of his illness (epilepsy), or even that he had been possessed by daemons. Another target of attacks was the Quran, which was presented as a falsified Scripture. According to Niketas, it was not created by God, but by a daemon, as a compilation of many, often contradicting texts. It was also criticized as being non-original. Islam, was also be spread with the sword rather than with the word.

20

Normanowie w dziełach Geralda z Walii a świat bizantyński

32%

Böhm M.

Vox Patrum

|

2018

|

vol. 69

53-64

EN

The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the selected works of one of the twelfth century Norman historian living in the British Isles, Gerald de Barri of Wales (1146-1223) in terms of his knowledge of the Byzantine world and its correlation with the Normans (from England and Southern Italy). The term Byzantine world has been evolving for several decades. Today it refers no longer just to the land of the former East European Empire, which later transformed itself into the Greek Byzantium, but it can be referred to the Balkans or the Kingdom of Normandy, while scientists are constantly expanding its borders with the help of other sciences such as archeology. We will do this based on his work: De instructione principis, Topographia Hibernica, Expugnatio Hibernica, Itinerarium Cambriae and Descriptio Cambriae. Selected by Gerald of Wales the themes of the Byzantine and Norman kingdoms of Sicily, which appear in his five works cited above, are proof of the broad political horizons of the elites from British Isles that were associated with the Plantagenet dynasty. Gerald was never in Sicily, in Byzantium or in the Holy Land, but he had some source in sight, both in the form of eyewitness accounts of events and in the accounts of contemporary writers, which does not diminish the credibility of the data he cites. Better and more strongly, he was interested in the facts of the kingdom of Normans in Sicily than in Byzantium. Such a state of affairs seems to be understandable, as he saw in them both a political partner and, to some extent, a model to imitate, especially in the aspect of conducting politics against the conquered peoples.

Refine search results

[Rev.:] Ol’ga Al’bertivna Bigun, Byzantinum: pro et contra. (Ambivalence of Byzantinism in Taras Shevchenko’s writings), Misto NV, Ivano-Frankivsk, 2014. 412 p.

Miasto na skrzyżowaniu mórz i kontynentów. Wczesno- i średniobizantyński Konstantynopol jako miasto portowe. Redakcja Mirosław J. Leszka, Kirił Marinow, Wydawnictwo Lodziensia nr XXIII]

„Eat, drink and be merry” (Luke 12:19). Food and wine in Byzantium. In honour of Professor A.A.M. Bryer, ed. L. Brubaker – K. Linardou, Aldershot – Hampshire 2007, Ashgate Publishing Limited, ss. 272.

Wizualizacja dziejów mandylionu w tradycji wschodniochrześcijańskiej ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem ikon rosyjskich

Wpływy bizantyńskie w średniowiecznej kulturze bułgarskiej

Aleksander Paroń, Pieczyngowie. Koczownicy w krajobrazie politycznym i kulturowym średniowiecznej Europy, Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN, Wrocław 2015, ss. 520.

Błażej Cecota, Arabskie oblężenia Konstantynopola w VII–VIII wieku. Rzeczywistość i mit, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, Łódź 2015, ss. 208+4 nlb. [Byznatina Lodzensia XXI]

Rola eunuchów na dworze cesarzy bizantyńskich. Przypadek Narzesa

Kwestia obsady stanowisk magistrów militum za panowania cesarza Zenona (474–491)

Własi w Bizancjum – do początku XI w.

Badania wczesnobizantyjskiej twierdzy w Bałcziku (Bułgaria)

Między Scyllą determinizmu a Charybdą niepewności: spotkania klimatologów z historykami i archeologami średniowiecznego BliskiegoWschodu

„Dopóki śmierć nas nie rozłączy” – wybrane postawy małżonków ze świata Lewantu w X–XI wieku

Instytucja rodziny w teologii Pawłowej i Bizancjum w opiniach sądów cerkiewnych Despotatu Epiru

Misjologia prawosławna w ujęciu historycznym – główne trendy

Historia Bizancjum w programie VI Kongresu Mediewistów Polskich (Wrocław, 20-22 września 2018)

Wojsko pogańskiej Bułgarii w opinii bizantyńczyków. Wybrane aspekty

Szlachetni, odważni, dzicy? Obraz Waregów i Franków w oczach Bizantyńczyków w X-XI w.

Elity chrześcijańskie wobec islamu (VII-X wiek)

Normanowie w dziełach Geralda z Walii a świat bizantyński