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EN
This text focuses on the approach of the Ottoman Empire to the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1878–1879. The author follows the approach of the High Ports toward individual stages of its evolution, including talks between the Austria-Hungary Empire and the Ottoman Empire, which began in spring 1878, negotiations at the Berlin Congress and also negotiations made between both countries, leading to the conclusion of a Convention specifying the details of the occupation. Attention is also given to the Ottoman approach to the uprising in Bosnia and Herzegovina that erupted as a result of the Austria-Hungary occupation, as well as to the consequences of the occupation affecting the further development of the relations between both countries. The author concludes that, in 1878, the Ottoman Empire – due to its internal weakness and international isolation – was unable to keep Bosnia and Herzegovina.
EN
Bosnia and Herzegovina is a country with a special geo-civilization position. There are significant antagonisms between the three civilizations present here, completely separate ideologically, culturally and socially. According to Samuel Huntington’s theorem in Bosnia and Herzegovina take place a clash of civilizations that causes a general disagreement in the state, pursuing for completely different purposes by three nationalities, and as a consequence leads to instability in the country. The country, relatively young, has been a battlefield for influence for many centuries, which has shaped contemporary difficult situation. Nowadays, the agreement between Western, Islamic and Orthodox civilization which osculate in this area is impossible to achieve due to the diametric differences and purposes of these circles. Undoubtedly, Bosnia and Herzegovina is struggling with the consequences of such a clash of civilizations, as can be seen in the political, social and economic life of the country. The purpose of this article is to identify the problems arising from the presence of three civilizational circles in one state.
EN
The paper discusses the problem of mujahidin’s activity in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Bosnian war of 1992 to 1995. The author describes the background and the causes of the presence of holy warriors in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as the forms of financial and military support offered to them by the governments of Muslim countries, especially Iran and Saudi Arabia. The article presents also the organization of mujahidin’s units, their influence on the internal situation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the attitude of the Bosnian government towards the foreign warriors. According to the author, the presence of the mujahidin in the Balkans during the war was directly linked to the operation of international terrorist groups, which were given an opportunity to train and recruit volunteers for future terrorist attacks worldwide. The author also shows the role of Bosnian Muslim conservative communities in the global jihad.
EN
Cross-sectoral interorganizational relationships in post-conflict situations occur regularly. Whether formal task forces, advisory groups or other ad hoc arrangements, these relations take place in chaotic and dangerous situations with urgent and turbulent political, economic and social environments. Furthermore, they typically involve a large number of players from many different nations, operating across sectors, and between multiple layers of bureaucracy and diplomacy. The organizational complexity staggers many participants and observers, as do the tasks they are charged with completing.Reform efforts in Bosnia and Herzegovina starting in 1995 may serve as the archetype model of conflict, transition and development for the 21st century. It wins this honor due not to its particular programmatic successes and failures, rather to the interorganizational complexity of the International Community. From the massive response to the crisis, to the modern nation-building policies it spawned, and the development assistance practices and institutional arrangements it created, the Bosnian development experience has much to offer by way of lessons learned.This manuscript frames the unique Bosnian development situation, and provides lessons learned from the experience of nation building given local realities. Pettigrew (1992) called this "contextualizing." While network and/or organizational structure, strategy and process explain many interorganizational relationship issues, the development variables identified in this manuscript prove equally important, yet elusive and difficult to measure despite their very real and overt presence.
EN
The capital markets of neighboring transitional Western Balkan countries have attracted a lot of interest from domestic and international investors in the last decade, who view them as an attractive alternative to investing in more developed markets. These markets are characterized by higher returns, and higher volatility of stock returns as compared to those of developed markets. The recent economic and financial crises devastated capital markets worldwide. The new Bosnian capital market faced its hardest times following the withdrawal of international investors. The aim of this paper is to explore whether there is a standard relation between stock returns and market portfolio returns, as proposed by the Sharpe-Lintner Capital Asset Pricing Model (CAPM), in the stock market of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We tested the model hypotheses with a traditional two-stage regression procedure using the OLS method, using continuously compounded (logarithmic) returns on stocks. Our study indicates that despite the crisis the systematic risk measured by the beta coefficient is priced and that the beta premium is positive. Nevertheless, the Security Market Line (SML) intercepts the ordinate lower than the risk free rate of return. Other factors might also influence stock returns in this market.
EN
This paper examines the origins of foreign direct investment (FDI) in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) with special reference to historical legacies. BiH is a very interesting case because of its position on the frontier of Europe, a region with a rich cultural history marked by alternating periods of coexistence and violence. Because the country has spent time under the Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian, and Yugoslav flags, particular attention is paid to the role of history in impacting inflows of FDI. Five models are specified using various dependent variables to measure FDI, and all uphold the importance of historical legacies and cultural proximity. Equally interesting is the absence of significance among traditional gravity variables in this unique investment landscape. Policy implications include the need for government to assist firms in overcoming concern about instability, corruption, and a complex permitting process. As little has been published on FDI in BiH, future research suggestions are presented.
EN
This article presents the transformation in Bosnia and Herzegovina which began after the war during the years 1991-1995. The most important objective was the liberation and emancipation of the forgotten memory of minorities. These processes are also expressed in relation to the Polish minority which came into existence in the territories of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century with the government takeover by Austria-Hungary and the announcement of the program of colonization. The changes described were significantly apparent in the reconstruction of Polish realms of memory: Polish shrines in Celinovac, Polish church in Cerovljani, Polish cemeteries: in Devetina and Novi Martinac and also in the Yugoslav-Polish partisan cemetery in Srbac. Of interest, the ‘time of memory’ which took place involved all social actors: the government of the Republic of Srpska and the municipalities of Srbac and Nowogrodziec, the Embassy of the Polish Republic in Sarajevo, representatives of local communities - Serbs and the Polish minority from Ćelinovac.
PL
Artykuł prezentuje przemiany, które od czasu zakończenia wojny 1991–1995 roku dokonują się w granicach Bośni i Hercegowiny. Ich głównym celem jest wyzwalanie i emancypacja pamięci zapomnianych mniejszości narodowych. Procesy te dotyczą również polskiej mniejszości narodowej, która na terytorium Bośni i Hercegowiny pojawiła się pod koniec XIX i na początku XX wieku wraz z przejęciem administracji przez Austro-Węgry oraz ogłoszeniem programowej kolonizacji. Najsilniej ujawniają się w rekonstruowaniu polskich miejsc pamięci: polskiej kapliczki w Ćelinovacu, polskiego kościoła w Cerovljanach, cmentarzy polskich w Devetinie i Nowym Martyńcu oraz partyzanckiego jugosłowiańsko-polskiego w Srbacu. Co ciekawe, „czas pamięci“, który nastał, odcisnął swe piętno na działalności wszystkich aktorów społecznych: władz Republiki Serbskiej oraz gminnych, w tym wypadku gmin Srbac oraz Nowogrodziec, Ambasady Rzeczypospolitej w Sarajewie, przedstawicieli społeczności lokalnych – Serbów oraz polskiej mniejszości narodowej z Ćelinovaca.
EN
Polish realms of memory in northern BosniaThis article presents the transformation in Bosnia and Herzegovina which began after the war during the years 1991-1995. The most important objective was the liberation and emancipation of the forgotten memory of minorities. These processes are also expressed in relation to the Polish minority which came into existence in the territories of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century with the government takeover by Austria-Hungary and the announcement of the program of colonization. The changes described were significantly apparent in the reconstruction of Polish realms of memory: Polish shrines in Celinovac, Polish church in Cerovljani, Polish cemeteries: in Devetina and Novi Martinac and also in the Yugoslav-Polish partisan cemetery in Srbac. Of interest, the ‘time of memory’ which took place involved all social actors: the government of the Republic of Srpska and the municipalities of Srbac and Nowogrodziec, the Embassy of the Polish Republic in Sarajevo, representatives of local communities - Serbs and the Polish minority from Ćelinovac. Polskie miejsca pamięci w północnej BośniArtykuł prezentuje przemiany, które od czasu zakończenia wojny 1991–1995 roku dokonują się w granicach Bośni i Hercegowiny. Ich głównym celem jest wyzwalanie i emancypacja pamięci zapomnianych mniejszości narodowych. Procesy te dotyczą również polskiej mniejszości narodowej, która na terytorium Bośni i Hercegowiny pojawiła się pod koniec XIX i na początku XX wieku wraz z przejęciem administracji przez Austro-Węgry oraz ogłoszeniem programowej kolonizacji. Najsilniej ujawniają się w rekonstruowaniu polskich miejsc pamięci: polskiej kapliczki w Ćelinovacu, polskiego kościoła w Cerovljanach, cmentarzy polskich w Devetinie i Nowym Martyńcu oraz partyzanckiego jugosłowiańsko-polskiego w Srbacu. Co ciekawe, „czas pamięci“, który nastał, odcisnął swe piętno na działalności wszystkich aktorów społecznych: władz Republiki Serbskiej oraz gminnych, w tym wypadku gmin Srbac oraz Nowogrodziec, Ambasady Rzeczypospolitej w Sarajewie, przedstawicieli społeczności lokalnych – Serbów oraz polskiej mniejszości narodowej z Ćelinovaca.
EN
Abolition of the Ottoman model in Bosnia after the 1995 and the crisis of the stateIn this paper is analyzed the dis/continuity of the Ottoman tradition in Bosnia, treated not in the ethnographical or superficial perspective, but in its deeper, cultural and social aspect. The so-called Ottoman model, continued in Austro-Hungarian and Yugoslav period, was characterized by multiplicity of social actors and the lack of the obsession of national territory. The boundaries of an autonomous territory (i.e. Bosnia under Ottoman, or Habsburg and Yugoslav rule) delimitated the sphere of shared practices, and its condition depended on relations between different ethnical agents. After the 1995 predominates the tendency toward territorial and national homogenization which leads to division, and liquidation of the Bosnian state. Nonetheless, the Ottoman model is described here as ambiguous, for its inability to shape the public sphere as a space of civic subjects, not only communities. A lack of the positive idea of the state, and the lack of any legitimization of the power other than nationalism, are seen as the major sources of political and social instability in Bosnia.
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EN
The rich socio-cultural history of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a single territorial, political, state and legal and administrative rounded whole, can be seen in several separated simultaneous fl ows arising as a result of the deep-rooted ethno-confessional division of this area, where religion, as the dominant integrating cultural factor, also represented the main distinctive element of the national identity of the three Bosnian constituent peoples, which the unaltered state agrees with to this day. As a unique area with religions at the border, and denominational boundaries at the edges of Catholicism and Orthodoxy among which Islam is wedged between, Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a unique civilizational bridge between East and West, where the followers of these religions see as their guardians, highlighting specifi c religious, cultural and national characteristics which establishes the opposition to the “other” and “diff erent” with which for centuries has coexisted. The most prominent features of identity and otherness which exist in symbiosis are articulated precisely on the borders as places of their meetings, which in turn have never been so impervious to keep the integration of diff erent ethnic and religious traditions followers, leading to ghettoisation and creating worlds closed for themselves, and long-term coexistence of diff erent and often confl icting civilizational-religious system characterized by a certain closeness of high culture of individual entities and openness, and mutual intertwining of which was out of the realm of popular culture.
EN
In this article, the author set out to analyze the war narratives of the Bosniak second generation – the generation that de facto did not experience the war, and base their stories on the experiences of their loved ones. The author shows how family narratives about the war affect the contemporary lives of those born after the war, and most importantly, how they affect contemporary ethnic relations in Bosnia.
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EN
Although all the Western Balkan countries have been offered the prospect of European Union (EU) membership, the accession process still constitutes a complicated and multi-aspect challenge. EU support and engagement in the region have resulted in a few successes, nonetheless, describing them as major breakthroughs is far from the reality. Since the establishment of the Dayton Agreement in 1995, ending the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, most of the Balkan states have not managed to accomplish their political, ideological and civic transformations yet. However, the difficult situation and frequent negotiation stalemates are not only the outcomes of the unsatisfactory progress made by the Peninsular countries. Ambiguous and unethical (in some cases) behaviour can also be noticed from the EU decision-makers’ side. The following article aims to present concrete examples of EU external policy actions in Bosnia and Herzegovina which can be described as controversial. However, the author attempts to prove the thesis that unethical external policy is not always a zero-sum game, and in particular circumstances it can be paradoxically perceived as the best solution. Taking into consideration the comprehensiveness of the problem and editorial limitations, the analysis focuses on activities of the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina, who used to be (during four out of seven tenures) the EU Special Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina.
EN
Gender equality is one of the categorical imperatives of universal human rights. However, today, in many national contexts, women’s rights and needs are not respected. The war in Bosnia and Herzegovina has shown the world how thin the line is between coexistence and hate, and what is more, it has shown how easy it is to use a woman’s body in political and war games and then forget about their sacrifice.The article is focused on the long-term effects of wartime sexual violence. Based on a quantitative and qualitative analysis of field research, the author wants to show how Bosniak women constantly suffer from sexual violence despite the end of the conflict.
EN
This study investigates the little-researched topic of the organized agricultural colonization of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the first half of the 1890s, focusing on its “Czech” element. The goal of this colonization driven by the Austro-Hungarian government was to assist acculturation, population growth and – above all else – the overall economic development of the newly-acquired province. In its own way, this colonization was related to older Austrian projects in the Banat and Slavonia. From this point of view it represents an interesting subject to explore because from a historic and ethnographical point of view it touches upon the history of the Czech economic migration, Czech minorities abroad, and their interaction with the majority societies in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
EN
Diverse aspects of folklorism in the countries of former Yugoslavia are a subject-matter of long-term ethnologic and folkloristic research. One of the important themes touches the relation between newly composed folk music (NCFM) and aggressive nationalistic propaganda, as well as further aspects of this genre. The NCFM is a genre of commercial music that developed in the former Yugoslavia from the 1960s and that refers to folk sources in its texts and musical construction. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, it was sevdalinka, a specific genre of urban music folklore, that have become one of NCFM sources. Sevdalinka has become one of the elements of the “orientalising” hetero-stereotypes of Bosniaks and Bosnian Muslim culture as the one that “essentially differs” from the cultures of other nations living in the former Yugoslavia. It has been insufficiently researched to date how the Bosniak collective memory is currently constructed through the NCFM. On an example of particular commemorative events, the study shows how a certain image of Bosniak history is created and supported by using the NCFM.
EN
This article sketches in the image of Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the newspaper Sarajevski list, the official gazette of the Austro-Hungarian occupation government, at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. The study is temporally circumscribed to the period from the establishment of the above-named gazette to the founding of the newspaper Bošnjak, the first modern Muslim periodical in the country. Its analysis focuses on the quantity of reports on Muslims, the content, extent, and diction of official and non-official messages and, finally, also on the relevance of this reporting in relation to Muslim everyday life. The reports dedicated to the Islamic faithful are set into the broader context of building a state administrative apparatus which was governed by the Land Government in Sarajevo, and an ideological framework that was significantly influenced Benjámin Kállay, the Austro-Hungarian minister of finances and informal governor of Bosnia and Hercegovina at that time.
EN
The article analyses how the so called "inner refugees", dispersed in Bosnia and Herzegovina as a result of the civic conflict in the 1990s view "home". The principal aim of the study rests in answering the question of how, as a result of prolongation of the period of stay of the refugees in other places, their longing for returning to their home changed (the so callded "myth of return").
EN
The NATO integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) is closely tied to a strong surge in externally led state building following the conflict of the 1990s Informed by the ideals of liberal peace, one of the key components of state building was security sector reform and a restructuring of the armed forces. A shifting approach by the international community, varying between imposing decisions and insisting on local ownership, managed to establish the joint BiH Armed Forces, but allowed for the appropriation of the NATO integration process by local ethnic party elites. As a result, NATO integration in BiH regressed into an exercise in institutional reform, pursued in disarray and primarily addressing technical issues. Even if successfully brought to fruition, NATO integration will have failed to achieve the objectives of fostering substantive peace in BiH.
EN
Devaluation is the instrument of monetary policy which has been used very often during the 20th century. In recent time of globalization, the many limited factors (openness of the economy, capital movements, currency substitution, money illusion) significantly reduce or completely make impossible the devaluation implementation as the measure for foreign trade deficit or recession overcoming in many countries. This paper discusses on positive and negative effects of devaluation in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina economy.
EN
Background: During the last four years, the banking sector in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been facing crisis which has caused the stagnation within the sector. Still, the results within the sector vary to a great extent from bank to bank. Objectives: The efficiency score is assessed for each bank and serves as a basis for further comparisons between banks in the period between 2008 and 2010. Methods: A modified model of Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) has been used in order to combine several financial indicators simultaneously in a unique efficiency measure. The model provides a rounded judgement on a bank's relative efficiency. Results: Efficiency of individual banks varied throughout the observed period and not all of the banks were a part of the negative banking sector trend induced by the crisis. There is no significant difference between performance of banks in different entities of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and between smaller and larger banks. Conclusions: The results of the study can be used by bank managers to assess the performance of their banks, as observing financial ratios separately can result in a misleading conclusion. The most valuable practical implications of the findings are the provided feasible targets for the three observed years.
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