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EN
The article examines the evolution of business support systems in Britain in 1973-2006, looking at the strengths and weaknesses of individual measures and suggesting how the British experience could be used in Poland. The analysis covers a period from the launch of Britain’s first government agency tasked with coordinating assistance to small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to a time when the government delegated responsibility for helping businesses to regional authorities. Gancarczyk quotes interviews with British civil servants and employees at the University of Cambridge Centre for Business Research (CBR), an independent private research center specialized in evaluating business support policies. Gancarczyk also uses CBR research reports, scientific papers and reports issued by public institutions. The British system for providing support to businesses is based on regional assistance, Gancarczyk says. Efforts to modify the system have included the launch of moderately decentralized structures coordinated by regional authorities and focused on financing specific services rather than institutions. This has been accompanied by a tendency to rely on well-reputed organizations and efforts to avoid an excessive number of service providers and keep red tape to a minimum. According to the author, a similar policy should be followed by those responsible for developing Poland’s business support system. In particular, regional authorities should be encouraged to combine support for existing SMEs with assistance to business startups, Gancarczyk says. This would ensure the complementariness of central and regional measures, in addition to an effective monitoring and evaluation of these projects, Gancarczyk concludes.
EN
Colonization successfully advanced various reforms in Africa that affected several practices on the continent. The various customs that have been affected include the land tenure system of British colonies in particular. An abundance of laws and policies were adopted with the sole aim of conserving the environment. These policies often clashed with indigenous interests and witnessed counter attacks as a result. Despite this, there is little information in the literature concerning how British land policies shaped their relations with the indigenous people, particularly the Asante. Based on a qualitative research approach, the current study uses Asante as a focal point of discourse in order to historically trace British land policies and how they, the British engaged with the people of Asante. From the discourse, it should be established that the colonial administration passed ordinances to mobilize revenue and not necessarily for the protection of the environment. In addition, the findings indicated that the boom in cash crops, such as cocoa and rubber, prompted Britain to reform the land tenure system. With the land policies, individuals and private organizations could acquire lands from local authorities for the cultivation of cash crops. We conclude that the quest to control land distribution caused the British to further annex Asante.
EN
This paper looks at social mobility in China and Britain. It explores whether the rapid economic development in China in the last thirty years has brought its mobility closer to that in Britain. It also examines the effects of China’s household registration system (hukou) on people’s mobility chances. Using national representative surveys in the two countries, we found a convergence in total mobility in the two countries but higher levels of inequality in China in terms of relative mobility. Chinese women faced the greatest disadvantages. The prime driver for social inequality in China was the hukou system. Rural people in China had very limited opportunities for education but even those who had similar levels of education were still very much hampered by the hukou penalty in trying to gain access to advantaged positions. Both societies are highly unequal but China has an additional barrier.
EN
There has long been a close link between both the comedy and, by implication, the sense of humour of British and Australians. Such distinctively British radio and television programs as Hancock's Half Hour and Till Death Do Us Part found their main overseas market in Australia rather than in other English-speaking countries. Americans either did not find them funny or else were not allowed to find them funny, or provided feeble imitations such as Archie Bunker. Only the Australians were able and willing to share the British sense of humour. The other side of this relationship is that Australian comedians such as Dick Bentley, Joy Nicholls, Bill Kerr, Rolf Harris, Barry Humphries and Kevin Bloody Wilson, having succeeded in Australia, have gone on to be successful in Britain as well. Clearly the same formulae work in both countries.
EN
Was the United Kingdom's policy of pushing for the return of Rohingya refugees to Myanmar following ethnic cleansing in 2017 realistic?This article explores the United Kingdom’s response to the Rohingya Crisis which began in August 2017, resulting in the ethnic cleansing of 600,000 Rohingya Muslims in the first nine weeks of violence, with a minimum of 6,700 people being killed in the process. The United Kingdom reacted with condemnation, and began immediately calling for the safe return of refugees who had fled the violence, to their homes in Rakhine state, Myanmar. Using the testimony from Mark Field MP, Minister for Asia, in a Foreign Affairs Committee meeting, this essay assesses this policy of pushing for the return of the Rohingya to their homes. Using primary sources available to Britain at the time its policy was formed, this essay argues that Britain’s approach was not only unrealistic with regards to providing an environment in which Rohingya refugees would be provided safety, but also in relation to Burmese authorities’ desires to take back Rohingya refugees. Myanmar’s campaign of ethnic cleansing intentionally created the environment in which either the Rohingya would never return, or they would return to state-controlled concentration camps. Secondary material expires the history of violent state policies against the Rohingya in Myanmar, and Britain’s policy is shown to not only be unworkable due to such policies, but would actively endanger those refugees who chose to return. Czy polityka Wielkiej Brytanii w kwestii powrotu uchodźców Rohyngia do Birmy po czystkach etnicznych w 2007 roku była realistyczna?Artykuł omawia kryzys, który rozpoczął się w sierpniu 2017 roku i spowodował czystki etniczne obejmujące około 600 000 muzułmanów z ludu Rohyngya, przy czym w pierwszych 9 tygodniach gwałtownych zamieszek śmierć poniosło co najmniej 6700 osób. Zjednoczone Królestwo potępiło czystki i natychmiast wezwało do umożliwienia uchodźcom bezpiecznego powrotu do ich domów w Birmie. Na podstawie wyjaśnień ministra ds. Azji Marka Fielda, członka parlamentu, Komitet ds. Spraw Zagranicznych na swym posiedzeniu dokonał oceny tej polityki, polegającej na nakłanianiu ich do powrotu do Birmy. Opierając się na źródłach dostępnych w Wielkiej Brytanii w chwili, gdy tworzyły się zręby tej polityki, autor eseju dowodzi, że ten kierunek polityczny był nie tylko nierealistyczny w odniesieniu do możliwości zapewnienia uchodźcom bezpieczeństwa, ale także sprzeczny z zamiarami władz Birmy w kwestii przyjęcia uchodźców. Birmańska kampania czystek etnicznych świadomie stworzyła sytuację, w której Rohingya nigdy nie powrócą bądź wracaliby do kontrolowanych przez państwo obozów koncentracyjnych. Dostępne opracowania analizują historię przemocy wobec ludności Rohyngya w Birmie i ukazują politykę Wielkiej Brytanii nie tylko jako nieskuteczną z powodu takich posunięć politycznych, ale także wskazują, że zagrażałaby ona życiu decydujących się na powrót uchodźców.
Vox Patrum
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2003
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vol. 44
353-361
EN
The article is the short compendium of the information about Gregory the Great's connections in the 7th-12th century period. Connections with Britain: Augustine's Mission, Gregory's model of the evangelization, the conception of religious function of the art (visual recollection, icons), the earliest "Life of Gregory" ( by anonymous monk from Whitby, Bede Venerabilis). Connections with Irltand: Laidcen's "Egloga de Morabilibus Job", Columban's letters to Gregory, "Regiula pastoralis", paschal controversy, irish manuscripts (9th-12th century) with allusions to Gregory's writings.
EN
The paper examines the way the Falklands War of 1982 was reflected in the creation of British playwrights. Officially, the war was seen as a heroic act, as another glorious page in the book of British history. But for many writers it contained nothing heroic; it was just noisy brandishing of weapons and useless loss of human lives.
EN
The widespread notion of a unique national humour involves an impulse to apply the commonplace assumptions of national identity that demand uniqueness of identity, history, language and culture for a political society. What is deemed true and distinctive of the nation must be also be true and distinctive of its national humour, goes the thinking. However, such cultural exclusivity has not been reconciled with cultural exchanges between nations. Paradoxically, conceptions of national humour have been formulated in dynamic tension with such exchanges during the various phases of globalization that have taken place since the 19th century. The Americanisation of humour, in particular, has been an important component of such transmissions and resulted from the commercial popular culture dominated by America since the nineteenth century. Australia is a prime example examined here along with examples from Britain. To complicate matters of transmission, Americanisation sometimes arrived in Australia via Britain as well as directly from America itself. Australians and Britons periodically reacted against American culture, including humour, as a threat to national identity. But this was part of a dynamic tension played out between modern and traditional, imported and local in their selections and adaptations of humour imports from America. There is a huge and historic complexity of cultural anxiety and cultural transfer lying behind the apparent cultural comforts of belonging to a nation-state. Moreover, humour has played its part in the continual discursive recreation of the nation in the form of constant searches for the unique national humour of a people.
EN
The views and policies of the British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, which became known as Thatcherism, were mirrored in the newly democratic Czechoslovakia. Democratic left respected her for the principled critique of the Soviet bloc, but it was the Czechoslovak, or more accurately Czech right, which was directly inspired by her programme. Under the leadership of the Finance Minister and later Prime Minister Václav Klaus Czechoslovakia undertook the most radical economic reform of all post-communist countries. British conservatism inspired the Czech right, partly indirectly, as the Czech politician read similar conservative thinkers and economists as the people surrounding Thatcher, but there is also direct inspiration. Czechoslovak officials closely studied British privatisation. The British provided advisers, money and organised conferences, all to achieve a smooth reform process. The result was a clear imprint of Thatcherism on the Czechoslovak economic reform and on the newly constituted Czech right.
EN
The theme of drink in literature has been the focus of scholarly interest for a few decades, though much of it tends to concentrate on the writers’ lives more than literature per se, particularly in the studies concerning American literature. Criticism concerning British and Irish literature mostly discusses selected periods, the works of individual writers, or concentrates on regional literature, in this last case usually in the form of annotated anthologies. This article proposes a perspective whose focal point is the paradigm shift in the literary representation of drink, from the conviviality prevalent in pre-twentieth-century literature to the harrowing depictions of alcoholism in contemporary works.
PL
Motyw alkoholu w literaturze od kilku już dekad znajduje się w kręgu zainteresowania badaczy, choć w dużej mierze koncentrują się oni na pisarzach, a nie literaturze jako takiej, szczególnie w opracowaniach dotyczących literatury amerykańskiej. W publikacjach dotyczących literatury brytyjskiej i irlandzkiej na ogół znajdziemy opracowania dotyczące wybranych okresów literackich, twórczości poszczególnych pisarzy, a nawet literatury regionalnej, często w formie antologii zawierających komentarz krytyczny. Prezentowany artykuł proponuje spojrzenie na zmieniający się paradygmat obrazowania alkoholu w literaturze, od poprzedzających literaturę dwudziestowieczną motywów radosnego upojenia do wstrząsających obrazów alkoholizmu w literaturze współczesnej.
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2012
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vol. 4(40)
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issue 2
101-121
EN
The relationship between Britain and Europe has always been strained. Europe has been seen as a menace rather than an opportunity. Britain used to slow down the process of integration and consequently has often fallen behind and had no choice but to catch up. However, the portrayal of Britain as an “awkward partner” is only partly justified. Based on its specific understanding of national sovereignty, Britain has developed a much more pragmatic and instrumental approach towards Europe. Nevertheless, the country was a strong driving force of integration in many crucial fields, like the single market or trade policy. Britain has always accepted its membership in the European Communities only when exclusion from them could threaten Britain’s national interest, mainly in the economic dimension. Thus Britain’s membership in the Communities has always been selective. Britain decided to join the European Communities mainly because of its poor economic performance in the beginning of the 1960s.
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EN
The most promising concept for peacekeeping in Europe in the 1930s seemed to be a system of collective security that included the main powers of the continent. However, such a combination was not in the plans of the countries seeking to revise the European status quo – Italy and especially Germany. Until the mid- 1930s, the USSR was also a supporter of collective security. As a result of the conclusion of the Munich Agreement, the European balance of power has changed dramatically and is approaching the beginning of World War II. After the occupation of Austria and subsequently the border areas of Czechoslovakia, Germany strengthened its position in Central Europe and gained a more advantageous opportunity for further expansion on the continent. First against Poland in 1939, then against the West in 1940 and finally in 1941 in the East against the Soviet Union.
EN
Britain was an imperial power in the quarter-century before the outbreak of World War. Leaders expressed a sense of moral responsibility for ensuring competent and just rule for the nations of the Empire. At the same time, the fulfillment of this duty was a justification for the exercise of power itself, understood in ethical terms, and involved the preparation of a citizen of the Empire, both educated and shaped by universally accessible school education. The teaching of history, linked to the formation of the identity of the model citizen, has been subordinated to this preparation. The current article is an attempt at indicating the presence and purpose of historical threads in materials intended for the initial learning of reading.
PL
Brytania w ćwierćwieczu poprzedzającym wybuch wojny światowej była potęgą imperialną. Przywódcy wyrażali poczucie moralnej odpowiedzialności za zapewnienie kompetentnych i sprawiedliwych rządów narodom Imperium. Wypełnienie tego obowiązku było zarazem uzasadnieniem samego sprawowania władzy, rozumianym w kategoriach etycznych i zakładało przygotowanie obywatela Imperium, wykształconego i ukształtowanego przez powszechnie dostępną edukację szkolną. Nauczanie historii, powiązane z kształtowaniem tożsamości modelowego obywatela, zostało podporządkowane temu przygotowaniu. Niniejszy artykuł jest próbą wskazania obecności i zastosowania wątków historycznych w materiałach przeznaczonych do początkowej nauki czytania.
EN
The two European referendums of 1975 and 2016 are examined in their historical, political and constitutional context. The paper provides a short account of United Kingdom’s accession and participation in the European Union. The uneasy relationship with the EU is shown, with refer-ence to political process of negotiating Britain’s position in the Union. Some political, economic and cultural factors that have shaped British attitudes towards European integration are analysed. A legislative framework for both referendums is described and the dynamics of pre-referendum debates and campaigns are discussed. The political implications of ‘Leave’ vote (in favour of Brexit) are indicated. Finally, certain constitutional and legal issues surrounding UK withdraw-al from the EU are considered, also in the context of the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty.
PL
Referendum w sprawie pozostania lub opuszczenia Unii Europejskiej, przeprowadzo-ne 23 czerwca 2016 r., okazało się być przełomowym momentem w historii brytyjskiego państwa. Po ponad 40 latach członkostwa w instytucjach integracji europejskiej Brytania rozpoczyna zupełnie nowy rozdział zarówno w relacjach ze swoimi europejskimi partnerami, jak też w kształtowaniu własnego porządku prawnego. Artykuł przedstawia kontekst historyczny oraz uwarunkowania polityczno-prawne, które sprawiły, że drugie referendum unijne przyniosło zupełnie inny wynik niż to pierwsze, z 1975 r. Dynamika procesów integracji europejskiej miała kluczowy wpływ na wydarzenia na scenie politycznej Zjednoczonego Królestwa, a te z kolei generowały określone zmiany w systemie ustrojowo-prawnym. Omówione zostały pokrótce przekształcenia legislacyjne, które warunkowały przeprowadzenie obu referendów, kampanie referendalne i towarzyszące im debaty oraz implikacje konstytucyjne wynikające ze specyfiki brytyjskiego ustroju.
EN
The author of the article poses the question of the existence of client kingdoms in Britain in the period 54 BC – 43 AD. Analyzing narrative, numismatic and archaeological sources, he is inclined to support the hypothesis about their existence, although he critically refers to attempts to date their origin to just after Caesar’s expedition to Britain (thus rejecting the identification of Commius with the first client king, although he does not deny that Mandubracius could have been such a king as early as 54 BC) and links their (probable) beginning with the reigns of Augustus and Tincomarus (from the Southern Kingdom) and Tasciovanus (from the Eastern Kingdom).
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2016
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vol. 7
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issue 1
83-97
PL
W niniejszym artykule przedstawiono zalety użycia ilościowej analizy cyfrowych źródeł pierwotnych w badaniach historycznych, wskazując, w jaki sposób może ona kwestionować przyjętą ortodoksyjność i tworzyć nowe wglądy. Autor użył bazy danych cyfrowych wersji brytyjskich czasopism faszystowskich z lat trzydziestych XX wieku w celu stworzenia dużej, spójnej i miarodajnej próby faszystowskiego dyskursu we wspomnianym okresie. Używając metody kodowania, zarejestrował wszystkie wzmianki o Żydach występujące w tej próbie. Umożliwiło mu to prześledzenie w czasie rozwoju antysemityzmu faszystów w kontekście jego ilości, typologii i uwydatnienia w dyskursie. Użyta metoda – w połączeniu z bardziej tradycyjną analizą źródeł –kwestionuje różne przyjęte i powszechnie uznawane aspekty właściwej historiografii. W szczególności, przedstawia on, że dotychczasowa jednomyślność historyków dotycząca chronologii rozwoju antysemityzmu brytyjskich faszystów jest błędna. W jej miejsce proponuje nowy, pięciostopniowy model jego rozwoju. Dokładniejsza linia czasu pozwala mu w bardziej przejrzysty sposób wyjaśnić motywy i ideologię przyświecającą stosunkowi faszystów do Żydów.
EN
This article illustrates the benefits of employing quantitative analysis of digitised primary sources in historical research, demonstrating how it can challenge old orthodoxies and create new insights. The author has used a database of scanned copies of British fascist newspapers from the 1930s to create a large, consistent and representative sample of fascist discourse during this period. Employing a coding methodology, the author has recorded all mentions of Jews within that sample, enabling him to trace over time the evolution of the fascists’ antisemitism, in terms of its quantity, typology and prominence within their discourse. This approach—in combination with more traditional analysis of sources—challenges various longestablished and widely accepted aspects of the relevant historiography. In particular, the author demonstrates that the consensus among historians regarding the chronological evolution of British fascist antisemitism is false, and instead he presents a new, fivestage model of its development. This more accurate timeline allows the author to offer a clearer explanation of the motives and ideology that underlay the fascists’ attitude towards Jews.
PL
Szereg pośredniowiecznych struktur pogrzebowych z terenu Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii zdefiniowanych przez Juliana Littena w 1985 r. zostaje poddanych rewizji w świetle późniejszych odkryć. Obecnie można określić stopień różnorodności w ramach każdej z grup: grobów szybowych, niewielkich krypt rodzinnych, dużych krypt rodzinnych oraz krypt wspólnych. Wykorzystując po raz pierwszy podejście oparte na biografii przedmiotów w odniesieniu do danych grobowych, rozważana jest zmieniająca się funkcja trumien przez cały ich okres użytkowy, wraz ze zmieniającym się stopniem widoczności między okresami od powstania do ostatecznego zdeponowania w ziemi. Biografia krypt analizowana jest w oparciu o wybrane struktury grobowe, co pozwala odkryć wzorce użytkowania w czasie. Kwestie gospodarowania przestrzenią, co w niektórych przypadkach obejmuje znaczne przeludnienie i konieczność przenoszenia trumien, zdają się być problemem dotykającym wyłącznie krypty wspólne. Szyby i krypty zasadniczo przeznaczone były dla kilku pokoleń, z wyjątkiem kilku elitarnych rodzin, w przypadku których ta sama przestrzeń mogła być wykorzystywana przez kilka wieków.
EN
The range of post-medieval burial structures found in Britain and Ireland defined by Julian Litten in 1985 are reviewed in the light of more recent discoveries. The degree of variability within each of these – lined burial shafts, small family vaults, large family vaults, and communal crypts – can now be evaluated. Using the biography of objects approach for the first time on mortuary data, the changing agency of coffins over their use-lives is considered, with varying degree of visibility during the stages between construction and final deposition. The biography of vaults is indicated through a selection of burial structures, revealing patterns of use over time. Issues of space management, in some cases with considerable overcrowding and movement of coffins, is seen to be problem only with communal crypts. Shafts and vaults were predominantly for few generations, apart from some elite family where the same space could be used over several centuries.
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