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EN
This paper examines Pan-Mongolism, a socio-cultural and political phenomenon negatively perceived from the outset. This notwithstanding, Pan-Mongolism occupied a special place in ethnic Buryatia. Its development was strongly influenced by the Buryat national movement in the early twentieth century that pursued national autonomy as its major goal. To a great extent the development of Pan-Mongolism was intensified by the foreign policy interests of Russia in Asia, particularly, in Tibet, and by the religious, diplomatic and public activity of Dalai Lama 13th mentor Agvan Dorzhiev, a proponent of a “great Buddhist confederation” that ensured positive attitude of the principal hierarch of Buddhism toward Russia. External factors that contributed to the emergence of the idea of national-cultural autonomy and “cultural Pan-Mongolism” in the period when various political groups and autonomist scenarios shaped played an important role in the evolution of Pan-Mongolism. All this led to the fact that “cultural Pan-Mongolism” became a catalyst of development of humanitarian knowledge, a basic element of the further construction of national state of the Mongols. In the process of discussion Pan-Mongolism went beyond the Buryat area and started to ripen as a Pan-Mongolian movement that gradually grew into Pan-Mongolist ideology.
XX
In 2009, during the visit of President Dmitry Medvedev in Buryatia, Buddhist authorities proclaimed him an emanation of White Tara - female enlightened energy. Enthronement of the President of the tantric goddess was an attempt at restitution relationship ‘patron-teacher’ formed in the thirteenth century between the rulers of the Mongol Yuan Dynasty and Tibetan lamas of the Sakya linage and sometimes used by Buryats in relation to the Russian tsars. Both the local community and the Russian public opinion received this event ambiguously. For some it was an act of total submission of the central government, the other sacrilegious bordering on the absurd. In my opinion, it was one of the episodes of the practice of taming the ruler by subaltern communities. This paper presents the interpretation that enters an event in a number of practices to tame and manipulate Russian hegemony. My argument is that the ambiguity of many social practices is not only a manifestation of cultural pluralism in Buryatia. Rather, it is a strategy of the weak, which allows keeping agency in a situation of enormous disproportion of forces.
EN
Ancient Polish books in Buryatian Republic near Mongolia: presentation of the problem and topics for the furhter research. Przedstawienie problemów badawczych związanych ze starymi polskimi księgami znalezionymi w Buriacji. 
EN
This paper is devoted to the role of Buddhism in the construction of ethnonational identity in Buryatia and Mongolia. On the case of the phenomenon of deification of Russian presidents by Buryat lamas I have analyzed: historically conditioned compounds of Buddhism and politics of the Mongolian groups, the role of Buddhism in ethnic mobilization in Buryatia and Mongolia after the fall of Communism and features of ethnonational model of Buddhism in two neighboring regions. In post-socialist period Buddhism was involved in ethnonational political projects. As a result, an attempt was taken to restore the monastic model of Buddhism, which had functioned in the pre-revolutionary period. Local peculiarities of Mongolian Buddhism were reinforced in order to produce the difference between the (national) Mongolian/Buryat and Tibetan Buddhism. In Buryatia, Buddhism became a distinctive element used for ethnic differentiation of Buryats – in opposition to the Orthodox Russians. In Mongolia, traditionalist position of Buddhism was opposed in some way to Christianity, the various factions of which are distributed together with “agendas of modernity” from Western countries. In tantric union with the president Buryat lamas produce harmony between two national identities: Russian – civic and Buryat – ethnonational. Deification of the state power and giving it the attributes of loving femininity is a practice obliging the authority to generosity, which is attributed to the White Tara. It is a strategy of the weak, who agree to a game of domination, but they try to define its rules themselves. Looking more broadly it can be said that the Buryats as a national community appeared just as a result of this fusion with the Russian power. because of this they were separated from the pre-national family of Mongolian peoples. Mongols, for similar purposes use Chingis Khan identified with the Buddhist form of Vajrapani. As a result, nationalist narrative is set to famous past, but uses the ‘eternal’ values, achieves harmony of all its elements.
EN
The tantric body of the Russian president – chingisids’ enlightened mind. Politics and nationalism in Buryat / Mongolian BuddhismThis paper is devoted to the role of Buddhism in the construction of ethnonational identity in Buryatia and Mongolia. On the case of the phenomenon of deification of Russian presidents by Buryat lamas I have analyzed: historically conditioned compounds of Buddhism and politics of the Mongolian groups, the role of Buddhism in ethnic mobilization in Buryatia and Mongolia after the fall of Communism and features of ethnonational model of Buddhism in two neighboring regions. In post-socialist period Buddhism was involved in ethnonational political projects. As a result, an attempt was taken to restore the monastic model of Buddhism, which had functioned in the pre-revolutionary period. Local peculiarities of Mongolian Buddhism were reinforced in order to produce the difference between the (national) Mongolian/Buryat and tibetan Buddhism. In Buryatia, Buddhism became a distinctive element used for ethnic differentiation of Buryats – in opposition to the Orthodox Russians. In Mongolia, traditionalist position of Buddhism was opposed in some way to Christianity, the various factions of which are distributed together with “agendas of modernity” from Western countries. In tantric union with the president Buryat lamas produce harmony between two national identities: Russian – civic and Buryat – ethnonational. Deification of the state power and giving it the attributes of loving femininity is a practice obliging the authority to generosity, which is attributed to the White tara. It is a strategy of the weak, who agree to a game of domination, but they try to define its rules themselves. Looking more broadly it can be said that the Buryats as a national community appeared just as a result of this fusion with the Russian power. Because of this they were separated from the pre-national family of Mongolian peoples. Mongols, for similar purposes use Chingis khan identified with the Buddhist form of Vajrapani. As a result, nationalist narrative is set to famous past, but uses the ‘eternal’ values, achieves harmony of all its elements.
6
75%
Lud
|
2014
|
vol. 98
205-228
EN
A uniformed model of modern urban planning prevailed in Eastern Europe and Soviet Asia during the Soviet period. Looking at the city’s architecture it was difficult to recognize if it is Ukraine or a place close to the Chinese border. The collapse of the socialist system resulted in a process of demodernization in many of these cities and led to the erosion of social identities. The turn to indigenization was one of the responses to this crisis. In this article I analyze the process of symbolic ethnicization of a post-Soviet city using the example of Siberian Ulan-Ude, where the idea of a return to the mythical past is built over the ashes of utopian progress. The main questions are: 1. how does the city become indigenized? 2. how does this process influence the interethnic relations? 3. what is the relation between immigrants’ social strategies and ethnicity? Symbolic indigenization of the city determines the ambiguous status of Buryat rural immigrants: hosts on the one hand, and strangers on the other. The social marginalization of Russians with the simultaneous dominance of the Russian language and culture is an important aspect of indigenization. An exception to this rule applies only to Russian sourdoughs (starožily), who have managed to establish quasi-ethnic representations. While municipal authorities take care of historical monuments of the imperial period, they do not approve of new structures that could deny the indigenous image of the city. Along with the urbanization a significant part of ethnic culture has been reduced to a symbolic level, which is manifested in a new Buryat architectural style as well as in all the monuments referring to the nomadic history of the hosts.
Lud
|
2023
|
vol. 107
|
issue 1
42-76
EN
Representatives of Siberian ethnic minorities have participated in the Russian aggression against Ukraine since 2014. The overrepresentation of Buryats and Tuvans in the ranks of the Russian army has forced many to verify the existing romantic notions of ethnic minorities as victims of Russian colonization striving for freedom. The involvement of Siberian ethnic groups in the war in Ukraine is the starting point for an analysis of the relationship between the state, nationalism and ethnic minorities in today's Russia. The paper deals with (1) discursive representations of Siberian minorities in the Ukrainian and Russian media; (2) the causes and forms of participation of these minorities in the war; (3) the crisis of minority nationalism and the resulting new forms of resistance or collaboration with the Russian state.
PL
Przedstawiciele syberyjskich mniejszości etnicznych uczestniczyli w rosyjskiej agresji na Ukrainę od 2014 roku. Nadreprezentacja Buriatów i Tuwańczyków w szeregach rosyjskiej armii zmusiła wielu do zweryfikowania dotychczasowych romantycznych wyobrażeń przedstawiających mniejszości etniczne jako dążące do wolności ofiary rosyjskiej kolonizacji. Zaangażowanie syberyjskich grup etnicznych w wojnę na Ukrainie jest punktem wyjścia do analizy relacji między państwem, nacjonalizmem i mniejszościami etnicznymi we współczesnej Rosji. W artykule poddano analizie: (1) dyskursywne reprezentacje mniejszości syberyjskich w mediach ukraińskich i rosyjskich; (2) przyczyny i formy udziału tych mniejszości w wojnie; (3) kryzys nacjonalizmu mniejszościowego i wynikające z niego nowe formy oporu lub kolaboracji z państwem rosyjskim.
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