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1

'TITLE OF CITIZEN IS HIGHLY RESPECTED HERE...'

100%
Baczko B.
Przegląd Filozoficzno-Literacki
|
2008
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vol. 6
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issue 2-3(20)
167-183
EN
When creating the institutions of a modern, democratic state, the French Revolution created a new social-political phenomenon - a citizen came into being. The author's essay answers the questions: What was the citizen according to the then imagery? According to what role model was it supposed to be modeled? What expression in language use did imagery about citizenship find?
2
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THE PROBLEMATIC HISTORY OF DEMOCRATIC CITIZENSHIP

80%
Markoff J.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2005
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vol. 37
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issue 4
307-322
EN
Since the late eighteenth century, when the word 'democrat' became common, the meanings of 'democracy' have continued to change. To a large degree this has been a consequence of the actions of social movements that challenged not only current procedures but the boundaries of democratic citizenship. Democracy has always inspired people with the promise of inclusion, but has at the same time excluded others. Although the boundaries have changed, the existence of such boundaries has continued to galvanize movements for change.
3
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FILOZOFIA NOVOVEKU AKO ZDROJ MODERNÉHO CHÁPANIA POLITIKY. KONTEXT MOCI

80%
Olejník Ľ.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2013
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vol. 2
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issue 1
79 – 83
EN
The aim of the presented text is to trace, identify and define the modern background to the Western understanding of implementation of political power and the power management of society and to determine their topicality in the current form of policy. In the text we look at the modern axiological, ethical and ideological sources of modern politics, when the power has been analysed in the context of individualism, freedom and citizenship.
4
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Children with Disabilities as Citizens or From Charity towards Citizenship and Human Rights

80%
Repkova K.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2005
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vol. 37
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issue 6
509-528
EN
Article encourages research and new-fashioned projects focused on wider living conditions of children and young people with disabilities based on their human rights and promotes exchange of experience and good practices in this field. To stress importance of the mentioned effort the authoress analyses selected facts about living conditions of children with disabilities. She develops psychology-based polemic to premises about special needs of children and young people with disabilities, and presents the demands-based approach to human needs based on social-right model of disability. Second part of the study pays attention to situation in Slovakia - incidence of disability among children and some structural features of the Slovak disability research with emphasizing the research work focused on the field of education.
5

Global Cosmopolis: Responsibility, Information, and Media

80%
Susa O.
Teorie vědy (Theory of Science)
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2008
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vol. 17/30
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issue 1
113-123
EN
Alternative futures oriented to contemporary global problems solutions and risk management are related to citizens' ability to learn how to become global (cosmopolitan) citizens. Important conditions for that should be analyzed within the processes and conditions shaped by globalization of media and communication. This learning has not been institutionalized so far (as in the education), and it is a result of rather indirect social interaction. Individuals are embedded into complex network of the global information flows and, at the same time, they are members of their national and local communities. Cosmopolitan individual is a virtual member of a global community. Social analysis with ethical reflection should study with more attention global media as one of the key globalizing actors shaping the public space of communication with the power to form and deform cosmopolitan participation.
6

Trying to make the intangible tangible – communicating national identity to new immigrants through citizenship handbooks. A case study of citizenship testing materials in the UK

80%
Czerska K.
Euro-Facta
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2010
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vol. 2. Kultura a komunikacja
35-58
EN
This article is involved in citizenship tests in different countries. It compares Great Britain and France focusing on a linguistic analysis of the citizenship handbooks.
7

PRIMARY TEACHERS HAVE OVERRUN THE EXIST CIVIC EDUCATION CURRICULUM IN SLOVAKIA

80%
Danišková Z., Lukšík I.
Pedagogický časopis (Journal of Pedagogy)
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2017
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vol. 8
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issue 2
59 – 75
EN
A number of studies have pointed to the low level of civic participation among young people. On the other hand, there is a section of the youth population that is politically involved in and supportive of extremist and anti-system political movements. Public discussions have suggested that this may be linked to inadequacies in citizenship education. However, as the Slovak case shows, the causes of this are deeper, have historic roots and are reflected in the fact that citizenship education has been pushed to the margins of the curriculum and is narrowly interpreted. Citizenship education is not just about the nature of the curriculum but also about broader extra-curricular activities and about the direct, or implicit, instruction provided by teachers. The empirical research presented here shows that primary school teachers go beyond the narrow framework of the national social studies syllabus and implicitly teach citizenship education in line with their own civic orientations.
8

TOPICALITY OF POLITICAL REPUBLICANISM

80%
Anchústegui Igartua E.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2020
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vol. 75
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issue 5
356 – 371
EN
In this article I reflect upon political republicanism and its conceptual development in distinct historical periods. For this, I summarize the position of key republican authors and analyse the main concepts which have shaped this current of political thought. My objective is to present a reasoned exposition of republican political theory, inviting the reader to adapt it to our own societies and their challenges.
9
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Aktivní občanství a spokojenost s demokracií v Evropě

80%
Vlachova K., Lebeda T.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
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2006
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vol. 42
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issue 1
11-34
EN
In this article the authors describe what forms of political participation, outside the electoral process, the populations of twenty-one European countries tend to employ and to what degree. They identify three types of non-electoral political participation: active-conventional, active-demonstrational, and passive participation. Overall non-electoral political participation is considerably lower in the post-communist and Mediterranean countries than in the Western European and Scandinavian countries. In the latter countries the passive type of political participation is clearly a much stronger form of participation than the other two types. Conversely, in the Mediterranean countries passive participation is weaker and is exceeded in places by the active-conventional type of participation. The Mediterranean area is also notable for the unusually strong presence of the active-demonstrational type of participation. The authors also examine the social micro and macro-conditions related to these three types of political participation. In conclusion they attempt to address the question of whether there is a connection between political activity and satisfaction with the way democracy works.
10

ZROD SLOVENSKÉ ARMÁDY A STÁTNÍ OBČANSTVÍ

80%
Pejs O.
Vojenská história
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2020
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vol. 24
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issue 3
71 - 94
EN
Following the declaration of state independence of Slovakia in March 1939, in the eyes of the emerging new state and political power, a number of the former Czechoslovak citizens became Slovak citizens overnight. The author documents how the question of citizenship was treated complexly in the military environment, which was struggling with lack of military staff, mainly at the command level. In the Slovak Army, there were Slovak citizens as well as foreigners serving, often unaware of their new citizenship, but also other soldiers whose citizenship could not be determined with certainty, since the current dominant position of the principle of home affiliation was no longer respected and the national aspect started to be considered, which was dominant towards the members of Czech nationality. The discriminatory measures were then clearly aimed against the Jewish ethnic group, even though most of them had become Slovak citizens.
11

IDEA UHORSKÉHO VLASTENECTVA A OBČIANSKEJ INDIVIDUÁLNOSTI NA KRIŽOVATKE POLITICKÝCH STRATÉGIÍ

80%
Martinkovič M.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2006
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vol. 61
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issue 10
838-858
EN
A constitutive part of the political opposition in Austria-Hungary in the second half of the 19th century against the political and philosophical stands of the liberally oriented New school were also the pro-government newspapers 'Krajan' and 'Vlastenec'. Although their formal ground were the principles of the civic liberalism, they in fact subordinated the last to the idea of Hungarian patriotism and the strategy of preserving the status quo. These pro-government periodicals defended politically the idea of exclusivity of the political rights of the previous 'natio hungarica'. Concomitant to it was the idea of the meritocracy and superiority of the fatherland over the individual nations, or the whole over the part. The dominating interpretation of Hegel's philosophy of history, adopted by the Hungarian political elite, as well as its romantic one-sidedness (transparent in enforcing of the political objectives, i.e. setting out the patriotism in the Hungarian style, regardless to the cultural diversity) made it in the long run impossible to implement the liberal principles of the civic and cultural equality in the Hungarian region of the Austrian-Hungarian monarchy.
12
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STRUGGLE FOR THE DEFINITION OF CITIZENSHIP: INSTITUTIONAL AND DISCURSIVE FORMS AND TECHNIQUES OF CONSTRUCTION OF THE IMAGE OF FOREIGNER IN THE DEVELOPMNET OF FRENCH FEPUBLICAN MODEL OF INTEGRATION

70%
Kostian D.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2007
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vol. 39
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issue 4
337-356
EN
The so-called riots, taking place in French suburbs in November 2005, reopened a public and academic debate on character of French immigration policy and its future. Article aims to outline a wider context of immigration issue in France by analysing both institutional and discursive aspects of construction of image of foreigner in historic relation of inter-national domination between dominant group represented by state and its republican model of integration and inferior group of the North African immigrants. Article considers some theoretical implications of the relations between a project of nation-state and institution of citizenship, which in France led to the genesis and evolution of assimilation model of integration. In such a framework, colonial discourse represent historically important example of construction of foreigner's image, which shaped later political debates on reconstitution and 'crises' of French nation-state. Moreover, history and development of French immigration policy is presented in context of some structural changes in labour market, which led to the establishment of new international division of labour and new kind of urban poverty. Concentration of the working-class poor immigrants in highly modernistic neighbourhoods and its spatial segregation is the most visible unintended consequence of French immigration policy. Special attention is paid to the reformulation of immigration issue as a security problem, which revived colonial discourse by reification of cultural differences and by ethnicization of the social relations. Instead of blaming second and third generation immigrants for their failure to integrate into major society, the unrests form in November 2005 should be understood as a specific form of political and cultural protest against their structural discrimination in work, housing and everyday life as a result of new image of the dangerous foreigners created by more restrictive measures of immigration policy.
13
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NON-PARTICIPATION OF SURVEY RESPONDENTS: SEXUAL AND BODILY OTHERNESS ON THE MARGIN OF PUBLIC INTEREST (Nazorova neparticipacia: sexualna a telesna inakost na okraji zaujmu)

70%
Bianchi G., Luha J.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2010
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vol. 42
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issue 5
548-563
EN
The paper presents a non-conventional approach to non-participation in survey-respondents' behaviour. The topic of the analysis is the attitudes to certain minorities in the population - sexual minorities, people with body and mental handicap. These sexual and bodily forms of otherness are being discussed in the conceptual framework of cultural and intimate citizenship. Empirical data indicate a significantly higher incidence of respondents' refusal to answer questions concerning conditions, chances and needs of citizens with above mentioned otherness - as compared to assessing conditions of other minorities; simultaneously, claims for help from the society are significantly less acknowledged for these groups. A demographic profile of the most frequently 'refusing' respondents is characteristic by certain education, age and residence size. Results are discussed in the context of the overall value-background in Slovakia, its political development, and current discourses on sexual and bodily otherness.
14
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ACTION, REACTION, INACTION? YOUNG ADULTS, CITIZENSHIP IN BRITAIN

70%
Grundy S., Jamieson L.
Sociológia (Sociology)
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2004
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vol. 36
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issue 3
237-252
EN
This paper examines young adults' orientations to citizenship in Britain, drawing on surveys of random samples of 18-24 year olds. A range of experiences, behaviour and attitudes are explored including: citizenship education, voting, attitude to voting, party affiliation, participation in clubs and societies and engagement with social and political issues. These questions have been asked at a time when citizenship is on many agendas and there is much concern about the apparent apathy of young people regarding local, national and supranational issues. In Britain, some commentators hoped that the advent of a Scottish parliament would help re-engage young people in Scotland with politics and citizenship. This paper compares young people living in Edinburgh, Scotland with young people living in Manchester, an equivalent sized city in England. Like previous research, our data show that while young people are interested in social and political issues they do not focus their concerns on engagement with formal political systems. Many hold negative views about politics, such as feeling that they have little control over what the government does. However, young people's disaffection with voting is somewhat lower in Edinburgh than Manchester despite no greater faith in political parties. This may be an effect of the Scottish parliament. At the same time, young people in Edinburgh are only slightly more likely to be involved in associations and no more likely to be interested in and engaged with a range of wider social and political issues. If there is an effect of devolution on active citizenship, it is, at least for this cohort of young citizens, a very modest one.
15
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BYĆ DOBRYM MUZUŁMANINEM OZNACZA BYĆ DOBRYM OBYWATELEM. STANOWISKO LIGI MUZUŁMAŃSKIEJ W RZECZPOSPOLITEJ POLSKIEJ

70%
Pierzchała M.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2011
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vol. 37
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issue 2(140)
185-200
EN
The aim of the article is to present the position of the Muslim League in Poland on the issue of citizenship. The paper focuses on the aspect of citizenship in the institutional and legal area stressing civic duties associated with civil loyalty, participation and identification. Additionally, the analysis is supplemented with the issue of Muslim integration into the Polish society. Moreover, the article highlights the role of Islam as a factor determining the civic attitudes presented by the Muslim League in Poland. The manner in which the problem of citizenship is presented in the paper indicates that it is referred to the declared positions, which characterize the particular religious association, rather than the communities of the Polish Muslims of immigrant origin. The analyzed concept of citizenship created by the League is religiously conditioned. The catchphrase: to be a good Muslim means to be a good citizen, which the League refers to, seems to be of the highest significance in his context. This example shows that a religion in this case can be an important factor determining the civil attitudes in the process of integration of the Muslim communities of immigrant origin with the Polish society, and in the broadest perspective, with the European communities.
16

SLAVERY AND CITIZENSHIP IN ARISTOTLE’S POLITICS

70%
Martinez J.
Filozofia (Philosophy)
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2013
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vol. 68
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issue 2
124 – 131
EN
Aristotle believes that most people can be enslaved, devoid of injustice, as they are born to be slaves. At the same time, some of them are born free to dominate as the masters. The most modern critics have condemned these concepts. The author tries to re-evaluate the concepts of citizenship and slavery in the light of Aristotle’s Politics, to reveal not only Aristotle’s reasoning, but also how his views are interpreted by contemporary philosophers.
17
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FILOZOFIA A VÝCHOVA K SVETOOBČIANSTVU

70%
Stachoň M.
Annales Scientia Politica
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2020
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vol. 9
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issue 2
30 – 34
EN
The article tries to point out the complications with the understanding of cosmopolitanism, with the possibility of education for cosmopolitanism and the importance of philosophy for the mentioned problems. Last but not least, we will also focus on the situation with the individual in the current social conditions in the context of the meaning in the current global processes.
18

VÝSLEDKY Z VÝSKUMU OBČANOV SR MAĎARSKEJ NÁRODNOSTI

70%
Macháček L.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2010
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vol. 3
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issue 2
54 – 79
EN
Interplay of European, National and Regional Identities: nations between states along the new eastern borders of the European Union FP7-SSH-2007: Project No. 217227 collaborative research project (2008-2011)“ is an international research project dedicated to the analysis of socio- ethnic identities in Eastern Europe, to the issues of individual or group self-identification and ethnicity. In 2009 (November and December), 801 interviews were conducted in the form of random selection with respondents of Hungarian ethnicity living in Slovakia. The majority of the population of Slovakia of Hungarian ethnicity identified themselves with the statement „I am a Hungarian living in Slovakia (68%). Two groups chose Hungarian identity (identifying themselves with the statement „I am a Hungarian“ (16%) and „I am a Slovak of Hungarian descent“ (13%). „True Hungarians“, according to the respondents, do not have to be born in Hungary, or to live there most of their lives, nor do they have to have Hungarian citizenship. What is important for them is to feel Hungarian and to speak the Hungarian language. The young generation of ethnic Hungarians in Slovakia is more open to European integration, does not see it as a cause for concern when it comes to the loss of their national identity and rather regards it as a contribution to the lives of the Slovak population at large.
19

'AT HOME NOWHERE AND EVERYWHERE': MUSINGS OF THE POSTMODERN HONG KONG CITIZEN

70%
Wong D.
Asian and African Studies
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2005
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vol. 14
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issue 2
148-157
EN
Home connotes a living space that marks a place. The construction of 'home' involves not only a spatial arrangement, but also a transformation of the space into a meaningful place where the occupant inscribes his or her values. Subsequently, it becomes a cultural index. It cannot be encapsulated solely by physical architecture. Its formation indexes the relationship between the occupant and home as a concept or as a physical presence of spatial arrangement, a place where people can locate their identities. The article aims at looking into the (re)organization of spaces and the conditions of the prescription of boundaries in contemporary fiction and films to elaborate the relationship between the idea of home and the sense of belonging generated.
20
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SOCIAL RESPONSE TO EUROPE’S REFUGEE INFLUX: SOME THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS

61%
Franz B.
Studia Migracyjne - Przegląd Polonijny
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2017
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vol. 43
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issue 3(165)
11-26
EN
European migration and asylum policies reflect the public opinion of the continent’s citizens. This is the presumption of this article outlining a theoretical analysis of Europe’s civil and civic society and speculating what would be necessary to change from the currently prevailing mood of paranoia and nationalist exclusivism to a more generous open, equal and humanitarian society. After outlining the current public opinion climate in the EU, the text builds upon Jürgen Habermas’s public sphere theory and Nancy Fraser’s post- Westphalian critique thereof, I use Ferdinand Tönnies distinction between Gemeinschaft (community) and Gesellschaft (society) as well as M.R.R. Osenwaade’s study of the civil and civic society concluding with an appeal for broad political reforms, because only when political elites change their approach to society and governing will Europe become a compassionate and generous society. The article’s contribution to this debate centers upon the notion that civil society as a distinctive social organization is antithetical to citizenship and instead generates individuals whose lives evolve around individualism, consumerism, and personal gratification rather than democracy, political responsibility and participation. Only with a strong but open state counter-posing the neoliberal economic trends, can we move closer to the ideal civic society.
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