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Občanská demokratická strana a prosazení stranickosti v české demokracii devadesátých let

100%
Hadjiisky M.
Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review
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2011
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vol. 47
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issue 1
89-115
EN
This article focuses on the emergence of the Civic Democratic Party (ODS). It attempts to trace the party’s origins in several possible, coinciding factors that in the Czech Republic led not just to the establishment of ODS, but also to the institutionalisation of professional party organisation as such. On the one hand, the article points to the significance of interactions between the various groups within Civic Forum (OF), where the group around Václav Klaus asserted the ‘standard model’ of party competition. On the other hand, it questions the simplifying theory of ODS as a party of ‘economists’ and on the contrary shows that its success depended not so much on its economic vision as on the existence of an important group of post-normalisation ‘technocrats’, who after 1989 provided an anchoring for this vision among Czech regional elites. Their crucial support for professional party organisation stemmed from the absence of any other method of self-legitimisation, something which, by contrast, former dissidents were able to rely on, as were defenders of the model of political organisation that did not envision the existence of other political parties.
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ANALÝZA PŮSOBENÍ SUBJEKTIVNÍ REALITY NA SOCIALIZACI ČLENŮ OBČANSKÉHO FÓRA V PŘÍHRANIČNÍM MĚSTĚ ZNOJMĚ

75%
Zerbst J.
Etnologické rozpravy (Ethnological Disputes)
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2021
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vol. 28
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issue 2
37 – 53
EN
The study examines socialization of the members of the Civic Forum in the regional town of Znojmo. The research focused on their recollections of the communist regime and was conducted through oral history interview and biographical interview. The results indicated that people’s subjective reality took place in the surroundings of family and significant others who integrate individuals with society. Parents and mentors, who participated in upbringing, passed on their experiences to the narrators and presented opinions that contradicted the communist ideology.
3

INTELEKTUÁLI V SLOVENSKEJ POLITIKE PRED A PO ROKU 1989

63%
Kusý M.
Studia Politica Slovaca: časopis pre politické vedy, najnovšie politické dejiny a medzinárodné vzťahy
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2008
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vol. 1
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issue 1
54 – 73
EN
Without intelligentsia, particularly without intellectuals, there would be neither Communist ideology, nor Communist movement. Intellectual personalities (actors, writers, social scientists and also teachers) gradually, more or less conspicuously, left the Communist ranks. Their active participation grew into anti-Communist dissent. In Slovakia, this process was inconsistent and stopped somewhere halfway through as there was no compact or powerful intellectual dissent such as Charta 77 or the Polish KOR. When speaking about the Czechoslovak dissent launched by Charta 77, concentrated in the Chartist movement, which during the „Velvet Revolution of 1989” transformed itself into the „Civic Forum” (Občanské fórum), we mostly speak about the Prague events. Unlike their Czech partners, the Slovak intellectuals, who stood at the roots of the opposition movement „The Public against Violence (Verejnosť proti násiliu)”, were mostly members of the Communist establishment. The transformation process of the Czech Civic Forum and the Slovak Public against Violence produced new winners of the parliamentary elections of 1992, who were clearly and unambiguously separate both from the Czech intellectual dissent and from the Slovak intellectual elite and who divided Czechoslovakia into two independent states: the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. The new situation in the post-Communist Slovak Republic very strongly suggested certain analogies with the intellectual attitude to politics during the Communist era. The victorious Movement for Democratic Slovakia (Hnutie za demokratické Slovensko) came into power, supported by part of the Slovak intellectual representation in a similar manner as did the Communist Party following the events of 1948. Vladimír Mečiar, President of the Movement for Democratic Slovakia, unwittingly managed to gather the Slovak intellectual elite under an umbrella of intellectual dissent. At that time, the main priority was getting rid of Mečiar and mečiarism, i.e., of his principle of one-leader management, which is inappropriate in the context of democracy and which is bred by pre-democratic and anti-democratic societies. The situation, by which the Slovak society became visible before the fall of mečiarism in 1997, could, from a certain perspective, be described as a crisis of political elite.
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