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EN
The paper discusses the development of pottery traditions in the Carpathian Basin around 1600 BC. Set of data describing decoration of vessels originating from 94 archaeological sites is analysed using tools developed by so called network science. Results of this investigation are confronted with the current discussion concerning the cultural change at the transition of Middle and Late Bronze Age. In the last part of the paper I try to draw more general conclusions as regard the nature of social networks in prehistory.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przeanalizowanie stopnia podobieństwa tradycji ceramicznych rozwijających się w Kotlinie Karpackiej mniej więcej pomiędzy XVIII i XII stuleciem p.n.e. W tym celu wyselekcjonowane zostały 94 stanowiska, które dostarczyły wystarczająco licznej serii dekorowanej ceramiki. Pochodzący z nich materiał został poddany klasyfikacji, a następnie przeanalizowany z użyciem narzędzi statystycznych, w tym zwłaszcza techniki analizy sieci. W rezultacie możliwe było określenie stopnia pokrewieństwa pomiędzy poszczególnymi stanowiskami, wyróżnienie grup o zbliżonych „recepturach” dekoracji ceramiki oraz zbadanie zależności pomiędzy podobieństwem stylistycznym i bliskością geograficzną. Analiza ta dostarczyła jednocześnie obserwacji wspierających pogląd o chronologicznym zazębianiu się tradycji kultur tellowych oraz licznej grupy zjawisk kulturowych pojawiających się w Kotlinie Karpackiej po XVII–XVI stuleciu p.n.e., które tutaj łącznie określane są jako tradycja mogiłowa. Ostatnia część artykułu poświęcona jest ogólniejszej dyskusji nad charakterem społecznych sieci kontaktów w prehistorii. Miedzy innymi konfrontuję w niej obraz sieci manifestujący się w stylu ceramicznym z kontaktami wyznaczanymi przez reguły deponowania przedmiotów brązowych i wzorce w zakresie architektury.
EN
Fifteen years ago, during an Alexander von Humboldt fellowship at the Institut für Prähistorische Archäologie, Freie Universität Berlin I have put together a catalogue of Early Bronze Age (EBA) and Middle Bronze Age (MBA) multi stratified settlements in the Carpathian Basin (ca. 2500–1600/1500 BC). A total of 188 multi stratified sites ascribed to five horizons were placed in chronological order. The new AMS data have substantially modified the absolute chronology of this period. The present paper focuses only on recent information regarding the chronology of the tell and tell like settlements in the Carpathian Basin.
EN
The fourth century saw the beginning of spreading Christianity among Germanic people. The mission of bishop Ulfi las, however, ended in 348 and persecuted Christian Goths fl ed to the territory of the Roman Empire. After the destruction of Gothic kingdoms, the fl eeing Goths were allowed by the Roman emperor Valens to cross the Danube, probably only on condition that they would adopt new faith. Since the emperor himself was an Arian and Arianism preferred theological teaching in the Roman Empire, the Goths, and later other East Germanic tribes, adopted this doctrine instead of Nicene Creed. Germanic people learned only the basic principles of faith and then just continued with their beliefs. Moreover, Jesus was deemed not the only God, but one of many gods. The second part of the study offers a survey of written sources on the Christianity among Germanic tribes in the Carpathian Basin in the sixth century – Rugians, Heruls, Gepids and Lombards. The Rugians led by the king Feletheus (Feva) and his Arian wife Giso dwelt on the left bank of the Danube, opposite the Roman province of Noricum, where at that time St. Severinus preached Christianity, established monasteries, organised defence or evacuation, redeemed captives, procured corn for the starving and healed the sick. Humble and pious Severinus won himself such a reputation that even barbarian kings respected him and listened to his advice and prophecies. The neighbouring Heruls, however, were pagans and sometimes invaded barely defended provinces of Noricum and Pannonia. Though their king received baptism in 528, many of them remained pagans and, according to Procopius, they were the wickedest people in the whole world. The Gepids, like Goths, converted to Arianism. The most signifi cant traces of Gepid Christianity are found in the territory of Pannonia II, especially near the Roman town of Sirmium. Sirmium was one of the most important centres of early Christianity and in the late sixth century, the town having become a seat of Gepid Arian bishop. On the other hand, Lombard Arianism is very problematical. The fi rst mention of their orthodox faith comes from Procopius. Paganism, however, was retained not only by the majority of the tribe, but also by the king and his retinue, even at the time 568 invasion in Italy. Arianism among Lombards probably gained strength only in Italy, where a number of subjugated Gepids accompanied them and where remnants of Arian Goths continued to live. From Alboin to Aripert (altogether 9 rulers) only two kings are mentioned as Arians and only two as Catholics. Though these Germanic tribes adopted Christianity in the Carpathian Basin, they did not stay there long enough to become true Christians. With Slavs and Avars replacing them, the Christianisation of Central Europe had to start from scratch.
EN
The paper examines hinged strap-ends adopted from mediterranean sources into the material culture of the Avar Period carpathian basin (7th–8th centuries Ad). According to the common patterns in the local use of several formal or technical elements the appearance of the hinged strapends inter alia in the Avar context must be related to direct and contemporaneous contacts with the mediterranean. Two levels of communication could be identified in the archaeological material. if hinges generate more complex variations of object types embedded in simpler form in the common material culture of the same period, the mediator was most probably the late Avar elite, deriving a material culture from an elite communication that was not structured primarily by geographical distances. A second group of hinged strap-ends clustering at the borders, but principally in the western region of the carpathian basin, are largely independent of the common Avar types. Their characteristics, alien in the local context, originated from direct interregional exchange with the neighbouring mediterranean peripheries.
EN
The subject of this article is connections from Carpathian Basin in the Lublin-Volhynian (LV-C) culture – the first Eneolithic culture in Lesser Poland. Comparative analysis of the pottery from the LV-C child grave no 7 in Książnice (Lesser Poland) points towards the Hunyadihalom-Lažňany horizon as the mainstream source of analogies; and, according to the scheme proposed by Sławomir Kadrow and Anna Zakościelna, the LV-C drew on these analogies at the end of phase III or approx. 3700 –3600 BC (Kadrow, Zakościelna 2000). While, the radiocarbon dating (5180±35BP) dates the grave to approx. 4050 –3940 BC, which according to the scheme proposed by Kadrow and Zakościelna would mean that we are dealing with a feature from phase II. Of extreme importance which influenced the interpretation of the grave were the new data related to absolute chronology of the of the Copper Age in the Carpathian Basin. In the light of new radiocarbon chronology of the Hunyadihalom-Lažňany horizon (ca. 4200 –3800 BC, according Raczky, Siklósi 2013; ca. 4000 –3800 BC according Brummack, Diaconescu 2014), the date of grave 7 from Książnice corresponds well to the ceramic inventory with the characteristics of the Hunyadihalom-Lažňany horizon. The presence of the Hunyadihalom-Lažňany influences in Lesser Poland in the late 5th and 4th millennia BC forces us to pose the questions about their role in the spread of “Chalcolithic” attributes north of the Carpathian Mountains. There is clearer support for the thesis that the new cultural trends, which were expressed by the sepulchral ideology borrowed from the area of the Carpathian Basin emphasizing the elitism of burials, drawing clearer distinctions between the sacred and the profane in the spatial sense, and strongly emphasizing sexual dimorphism, could be to a greater extent the result of the influences of the Hunyadihalom-Lažňany horizon, and not just – as has traditionally been accepted – of the Tiszapolgár and Bodrogkeresztúr cultures.
PL
Przedmiotem niniejszego artykułu są wpływy ugrupowań środkowej epoki miedzi z Kotliny Karpackiej na kulturę lubelsko-wołyńską – pierwszą eneolityczną kulturę w Małopolsce. Analiza porównawcza ceramiki z grobu 7 kultury lubelsko-wołyńskiej z Książnic (Małopolska) wskazuje jako główny nurt analogii horyzont Hunyadihalom-Lažňany, do którego nawiązania wg schematu Sławomira Kadrowa i Anny Zakościelnej, występują w KLW pod koniec fazy III, czyli ok. 3700–3600 BC (Kadrow, Zakościelna 2000). Jednocześnie data radiowęglowa (5180±35BP) dość precyzyjnie umieszcza omawiany zespół na przełomie V i IV tysiąclecia BC, a dokładniej ok. 4050–3940 BC, co wg schematu S. Kadrowa i A. Zakościelnej oznacza, iż mielibyśmy do czynienia z obiektem z fazy II. Niezwykle ważnym czynnikiem, który wpłynął na interpretację omawianego grobu okazały się nowe dane dotyczące chronologii absolutnej epoki miedzi w Kotlinie Karpackiej. W świetle nowej chronologii radiowęglowej horyzontu Hunyadihalom-Lažňany w Kotlinie Karpackiej (ok. 4200 – 3800 BC wg Raczky, Siklósi 2013; ok. 4000 – 3800 BC wg Brummack, Diaconescu 2014), data z grobu 7 z Książnic dobrze współgra z inwentarzem ceramicznym o cechach horyzontu Hunyadihalom-Lažňany. Obecność wpływów Hunyadihalom-Lažňany w Małopolsce na przełomie V i IV tysiąclecia BC zmusza do postawienia pytań o ich znaczenie w rozprzestrzenianiu się atrybutów „epoki miedzi” na północ od Karpat. Coraz wyraźniej rysuje się teza, że nowe trendy kulturowe, których wyrazem była zapożyczona z terenu Kotliny Karpackiej ideologia sepulkralna podkreślająca elitaryzm pochówków, wyodrębniająca sacrum i profanum w sensie przestrzennym, oraz silnie akcentująca dymorfizm płciowy, mogły być w większym stopniu wynikiem oddziaływań horyzontu Hunyadihalom- -Lažňany, a nie tylko, jak tradycyjnie zakładano, kultur Tiszapolgár i Bodrogkeresztúr.
EN
The subject of this article is the fi rst eneolithic cremation burial in south-eastern Poland which was discovered on the cemetery of the Lublin-Volhynia culture at site 2 in Książnice, voiv. świętokrzyskie. Grave 14 was unearthed while exploring the western part of the necropolis in August 2012. The burial pit, 122 x 75 cm, was shaped like a rectangle with rounded corners, elongated along the north-south axis. In the southern part of the grave, at the depth of 40-45 cm, a concentration of charred human bones was found belonging to an individual at the age of maturus. The grave goods consist of two clay vessels (a pear-shaped cup with knobs on the larger bulge of its body, and a miniature pot with a gooseneck profi le and notched spout) and twelve fl int artefacts. The analyzed burial is another example of the intense cultural infl uences of the Hunyadihalom-Lažňany horizon to the late younger Danubian communities inhabiting Lesser Poland at the turn of the 5th and 4th millennia BC.
EN
The Hungarian Transdanubian site of Érd, where a Mousterian industry and abundant osteological material were discovered in the early 1960s is well known to prehistorians. The remains of megaherbivores (Mammuthus primigenius, Coelodonta antiquitatis) are re-examined here under the taphonomic and archaeozoological components in order to complete the Hungarian and European s.l. data and reassess the potential exploitation of these two pachyderms in the Neanderthal diet and economy. The cut marks, the intense activity of carnivores/hyenas and the skeletal profiles indicate a mixed origin of the carcasses. Mortality patterns of rhinoceros are characterized by the presence of young, subadult and adults, and suggest multiple acquisition by active scavenging and/or hunting with quick access. Skeletal profiles suggest a selective transport of rich/nutritive elements by humans to the site. The cut marks and fracturing of some elements (in situ butchery treatment) confirm that Neanderthals consumed these species on site and that they had at least partial primary access. The mode of acquisition seems active with rapid access for a young mammoth. Érd confirms the Neanderthal exploitation of rhinos and mammoths in their steppic environment during the Middle Palaeolithic. Érd is currently the only Hungarian Middle Palaeolithic site with a proven exploitation and consumption of these megaherbivores.
EN
Within the confines of the small Szekely village of Firtosváralja, on the Firtos Mountain, rising a thousand meters above sea level, a large quantity of Byzantine gold coins was found in 1831. Later these coins were sold out by their discoverers. Given this, it is hardly surprising that a hundred years later only sixteen specimens of coins from this hoard could have been identified. Since 1960, three more gold coins, kept in the Numismatic Cabinet of the National History Museum of Transylvania in Cluj-Napoca, have been identified as belonging to this modest collection. Although the coin assemblage from Firtosváralja entered scholarly literature and has repeatedly come up in issues of concerning the early medieval settlement history of Transylvania, there has been no source study relating either to the discovery of the hoard or to the coins themselves. After years of archival research in Romania and Hungary, it was now possible to track down some of the contemporary official reports on the find, which capture the true history of the discovery of the gold coins. It was also found that already in the mid-nineteenth century, several scholars from Transylvania dealt intensively with the hoard investigated here. Many descriptions and illustrations of hitherto unknown coins from Firtosváralja are among the preserved legacy of these researchers. Thus, the number of coins for which we now have a full set of data, or at least the information about the issuer, increased to 54 pieces. Eleven gold coins preserved to this day in the museums of Székelyudvarhely and Cluj as well as other issuances known thanks to pencil frottage drawings or wax impressions allow to describe precisely the group of coins of our interest here. The detailed analysis of the oldest information about the hoard proves that associating of the solidi of Emperor Maurice (582–602) and Heraclius (610–641) with the hoard from Firtosváralja is ambiguous; hence the issuances by Justinian the Great (527–565) are the youngest coins from this set. This means that the gold coins accumulated here since the 430s are likely to have been deposited much earlier than previously assumed. Based on this new-early-dating, an interpretation, hitherto not offered, of the late Roman-early Byzantine coin hoard of Firtosváralja is also presented.
EN
On the example of Siscia this article reconstructs the fate of a Roman town in southern Pannonia following the waning and disappearance of Roman government, in a drastically changed political, economic, and population situation that characterized this area at the time of the transition from Antiquity into the Middle Ages. Historical circumstances and basic patterns of urban degradation of Roman Siscia and its transformation into the Early Medieval Sisak are determined with special consideration of archaeological topography and settlement continuity. The question of possible settlement shift of the Early Medieval settlement in regard to the Roman town is also considered.
EN
The aim of this paper is to present an international and multidisciplinary project entitled Digitising Patterns of Power (later referred to as DPP), which is funded by the programme Digital Humanities: Langzeitprojekte zum kulturellen Erbe of the Austrian Academy of Sciences. The project is hosted by the Institute for Medieval Research of the Austrian Academy of Sciences (its implementation period is 2015–2018). DPP is intended to compare four regions: the Carolingian Eastern Alps (8th–9th c.), the March / Morava–Thaya / Dyje Borderregion (7th–11th c.), the historical region of Macedonia (12th–14th c.), and historical Southern Armenia (5th–11th c.). The team concentrates on aspects such as: the depiction and analysis of space and location in medieval written sources, the interaction between developed and natural environment, the usage of space, and the emergence of new political, religious and economic structures of power. DPP is implemented within the framework of the programme Digital Humanities: Langzeitprojekte zum kulturellen Erbe of the Austrian Academy of Sciences. We are certain that the outcome of the project will render interesting results and insights, not only for the researchers focusing on the four aforesaid regions, but also for all those who seek new methods for investigating the past of our continen
15
51%
Acta onomastica
|
2023
|
vol. 64
|
issue 1
157-171
EN
There are no Hungarian written sources from the time preceding the Conquest. Latin-language written culture in Hungary emerged with the establishment of the Kingdom of Hungary in the Carpathian Basin (in 1000 with the coronation of St. Stephen) and the conversion to Christianity. The early Latin (less frequently Greek) written sources created at this time (charters, chronicles, etc.) contain Hungarian words and expressions only sporadically and they were mostly proper names designating places. These, however, due to their early appearance and low number have proved to be truly valuable in studies of historical linguistics. Historical studies also greatly rely on the conclusions drawn from them when exploring the early history of Hungarians and they attempt to describe the ethnic and population history of the contemporary Carpathian Basin also in consideration of the results of historical linguistics concerning the semantic and etymological features of names and their origin. In this respect, the settlement names rooted in ethnonyms have a key role as they also shed light on relations between Hungarians and other peoples. In this paper, I study those settlement names that may refer to Western Slavic settlers designated by the cseh ethnonym in medieval Hungarian language.
CS
Z doby před dobytím neexistují žádné maďarsky psané památky. Písemné památky zaznamenané v latině se objevily v době založení maďarského království v Panonské pánvi (r. 1000 korunovace sv. Štěpána) a konverze ke křesťanství. Rané latinsky (a méně často také řecky) psané prameny vytvořené v tomto období (listiny, kroniky apod.) obsahují maďarská slova a výrazy pouze sporadicky a většinou se jedná o vlastní jména označující místa. To se ovšem s ohledem na jejich stáří a malý počet ukázalo být opravdu cenné pro historicko-lingvistický výzkum. Historické vědy na jejich závěry spoléhají při studiu rané historie Maďarů a také do značné míry usilují o popis vývoje etnicity a osídlení v současné Panonské pánvi v souladu s výsledky historické jazykovědy. V tomto ohledu hrají místní jména vycházející z etnonym klíčovou roli, protože napomáhají vysvětlovat vztahy mezi Maďary a dalšími národy. V tomto článku jsou zkoumána místní jména, která mohou odkazovat k západoslovanským osadníkům, kteří byli označováni ve středověké maďarštině etnonymem cseh.
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