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EN
The changing of pre-war borders of Central and Eastern Europe after WW II caused not only belonging of certain territories to definite countries but also the massive forced relocation of population from those territories. The total change of the population in the multicultural cities affected also institutions, such as universities by changing their staff, language, and national profile. Nowadays, when modern universities are facing post-modernity challenges it is extremely difficult to talk about role, mission, and meaning of this  institution, especially in the context of disrupted historical tradition. Look at the problem from the different perspective, from inside will show the tendencies of meanings  current students of the universities with long but disrupted historical past attribute to their Alma maters. Are they aware of the presence of representatives of different national groups that created university community before WW II? This article will present results of three studies conducted at three universities that changed their national profile after WWII: Vilnius University in Lithuania (formerly a  Polish university), Lviv University in Ukraine (formerly  a Polish university) and Wrocław University in Poland (formerly a  German university). Both at Vilnius University and Lviv Universiy 150 university students participated in the study. At Wrocław University 152 university students participated in the study.   The present analysis will try to explore the variety of meanings current students of those three universities attribute to their place of study. It will try to show if current students are aware of the university’s complex history and, if they include/exclude historical meanings connected with representatives of the different national group? Also, it will look at the possible differences between meaning attribution and perception of the university past among representatives of these three universities. Lviv, Wrocław, and Vilnius Universities had similar historical traces, but currently, they are developed in three different independent countries with different cultural and historical politics which might have an influence on the perception of the place’s past (Lewicka, 2011)
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EN
IntroductionIntroduction to the 15th issue of Adeptus: Hate speech and symbolic violence in Central-Eastern Europe in the 21st century WstępWstęp do 15 numeru czasopisma „Adeptus”: Mowa nienawiści i przemoc symboliczna w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w XXI wieku
EN
This paper presents different models of capitalism and trade unionism that have emerged in CEE over the last 25 years. It then traces challenges and unions' strategic responses in five policy areas: membership recruitment; mergers and organisational restructuring; collective bargaining; political engagement and social partnership; and international trade union cooperation. The paper argues that trade unions in the new EU member states do have the potential for strategic innovation and, conceivably, organisational renewal. In order to revitalise, however, they need to take on board the concerns of an increasingly diverse workforce and invest more resources in organising.
EN
The following paper briefly presents the views of Alexey I. Miller, an incredibly popular in the West Russian researcher, on the phenomenon of Central-Eastern Europe; both in political and historical context. His somewhat original perspective affects significantly his outlook on „historical policy” of Central-European states. Need we mention that a specific strive for monopoly to present this area’s history in a particular way influences relations between Russia and the former eastern block countries to a great extent.
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2019
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vol. 16
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issue 16
PL
On the example of Central-Eastern Europe at the beginning of the XXI century, new trends in the positioning of regions are revealed. It is proved that in the era of globalization, the model of the borderland-region is replaced by the model of the fold-region. The features of the new regional form arerevealed. It is concluded that changes in the perception of the regional space determine regional socio-demographic processes – depopulation in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe
PL
Artykuł zawiera analizę zależności stóp zwrotu na rynkach akcji Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej od stopy dywidendy. Badanie opiera się na notowaniach miesięcznych 1153 spółek z 11 państw latach 2002–2014. Wykorzystane zostały metody sortowania, analizy regresji, testy przesunięcia granicy efektywnej oraz testy relacji monotonicznej. Wyniki można podsumować następująco. Po pierwsze, spółki o wysokiej stopie dywidendy przynoszą istotnie wyższe stopy zwrotu, nawet po skorygowaniu o ryzyko rynkowe oraz efekty wskaźnika wartości księgowej do rynkowej, kapitalizacji i momentum. Obserwację tę wspierają dowody na relację monotoniczną: im wyższe stopy dywidendy, tym wyższe stopy zwrotu. Po drugie, portfele zbudowane według wysokości stopy dywidendy pozwalają przesunąć granicę efektywną inwestora giełdowego, nawet przy założeniu braku normalności rozkładu stóp zwrotu. Po trzecie, ponadprzeciętne stopy zwrotu są charakterystyczne dla portfeli budowanych na bazie historycznych wartości dywidend, jednak nie na bazie wartości prognozowanych. Po czwarte wreszcie, powiązanie pomiędzy dywidendami i stopami zwrotu jest charakterystyczne dla dużych i średnich spółek giełdowych, a nie dla małych.
EN
In this paper we investigate cross-sectional patterns of rates of return related to dividend yield in the CEE stock market. We examine a broad sample of 1153 companies from 11 countries for years 2002-2014. We use sorting procedures, cross-sectional tests, and mean-variance spanning analysis, and tests of monotonic relation. The principal fi ndings are as follows. First, the high dividend stocks overperform, even after applying the classical three- and four factor models. Second, the abnormal returns are typical only for stock sorted on past dividend yields, and not on forecasted dividend yields. Finally, the alphas on dividend-based portfolios are characteristic largely only for big- and midcaps. We fi nd very weak evidence for the dividend premium across the micro- and small stocks.
RU
В статье содержится анализ зависимости между нормой окупаемости и нормой дивиденда на рынках акций Центральной и Восточной Европы. Материалом для исследования послужили месячные котировки 1153 компаний из 11 стран за период с 2002 по 2014 год. Были использованы методы сортировки, анализа, регрессии, тесты переноса эффективной границы, а также тесты монотонной зависимости. Итоги можно подвести следующим образом. Во-первых, компании с высокой нормой дивиденда достигают существенно более высоких норм окупаемости, даже после корректировки на рыночный риск и эффекты показателя соотношения между балансовой и рыночной стоимостью, капитализацию и моментум. Это наблюдение усиливают доказательства монотонной зависимости: чем выше норма дивиденда, тем выше норма окупаемости. Во-вторых, портфели, построенные исходя из величины нормы дивиденда, позволяют передвинуть эффективную границу биржевого инвестора, даже при отсутствии нормального расклада норм окупаемости. В-третьих, более высокие, чем средние, нормы окупаемости характерны для портфелей, построенных на базе исторической величины дивидендов, а не на базе прогнозируемых величин. Наконец, в-четвертых, взаимосвязь между дивидендами и нормами окупаемости характерна только для больших и средних биржевых компаний и нехарактерна для мелких.
PL
Artykuł zawiera analizę zależności stóp zwrotu na rynkach akcji Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej od stopy dywidendy. Badanie opiera się na notowaniach miesięcznych 1153 spółek z 11 państw latach 2002–2014. Wykorzystane zostały metody sortowania, analizy regresji, testy przesunięcia granicy efektywnej oraz testy relacji monotonicznej. Wyniki można podsumować następująco. Po pierwsze, spółki o wysokiej stopie dywidendy przynoszą istotnie wyższe stopy zwrotu, nawet po skorygowaniu o ryzyko rynkowe oraz efekty wskaźnika wartości księgowej do rynkowej, kapitalizacji i momentum. Obserwację tę wspierają dowody na relację monotoniczną: im wyższe stopy dywidendy, tym wyższe stopy zwrotu. Po drugie, portfele zbudowane według wysokości stopy dywidendy pozwalają przesunąć granicę efektywną inwestora giełdowego, nawet przy założeniu braku normalności rozkładu stóp zwrotu. Po trzecie, ponadprzeciętne stopy zwrotu są charakterystyczne dla portfeli budowanych na bazie historycznych wartości dywidend, jednak nie na bazie wartości prognozowanych. Po czwarte wreszcie, powiązanie pomiędzy dywidendami i stopami zwrotu jest charakterystyczne dla dużych i średnich spółek giełdowych, a nie dla małych.
EN
In this paper we investigate cross-sectional patterns of rates of return related to dividend yield in the CEE stock market. We examine a broad sample of 1153 companies from 11 countries for years 2002-2014. We use sorting procedures, cross-sectional tests, and mean-variance spanning analysis, and tests of monotonic relation. The principal fi ndings are as follows. First, the high dividend stocks overperform, even after applying the classical three- and four factor models. Second, the abnormal returns are typical only for stock sorted on past dividend yields, and not on forecasted dividend yields. Finally, the alphas on dividend-based portfolios are characteristic largely only for big- and midcaps. We fi nd very weak evidence for the dividend premium across the micro- and small stocks.
RU
В статье содержится анализ зависимости между нормой окупаемости и нормой дивиденда на рынках акций Центральной и Восточной Европы. Материалом для исследования послужили месячные котировки 1153 компаний из 11 стран за период с 2002 по 2014 год. Были использованы методы сортировки, анализа, регрессии, тесты переноса эффективной границы, а также тесты монотонной зависимости. Итоги можно подвести следующим образом. Во-первых, компании с высокой нормой дивиденда достигают существенно более высоких норм окупаемости, даже после корректировки на рыночный риск и эффекты показателя соотношения между балансовой и рыночной стоимостью, капитализацию и моментум. Это наблюдение усиливают доказательства монотонной зависимости: чем выше норма дивиденда, тем выше норма окупаемости. Во-вторых, портфели, построенные исходя из величины нормы дивиденда, позволяют передвинуть эффективную границу биржевого инвестора, даже при отсутствии нормального расклада норм окупаемости. В-третьих, более высокие, чем средние, нормы окупаемости характерны для портфелей, построенных на базе исторической величины дивидендов, а не на базе прогнозируемых величин. Наконец, в-четвертых, взаимосвязь между дивидендами и нормами окупаемости характерна только для больших и средних биржевых компаний и нехарактерна для мелких.
EN
The establishment of new independent states in Central and Eastern Europe after 1918 not only brought changes in European geopolitical reality, but also initiated many cultural processes, stimulated by the need for modernisation of the region. They aimed at strengthening the identity of individual states based on their civilizational advancement. It was possible thanks to political independence, which many central European nations gained for the first time in their history. Their expected growth was not only to confirm their right of existence, but also of being among the leading states in Europe. Within the Old Continent the central and eastern part of Europe turned out to be a domain of modernisation par excellence. Here its progression, on the one hand, was most awaited, on the other – raised the greatest controversy. Arts and artists had their particular role in this process; it was their mission to spread the new ideas, calling for a change of the status quo. Instead of simply adopting the already existing patterns of modernity they tried, however, to work out their original concepts of reforms, based on an attempt to reconcile modernity with traditional values, which were found worth preserving within individual cultures. These processes were supported by representatives of both the avant-garde and the more moderate modernisation, which resulted in peaceful coexistence of radical programmes and endeavours to find conservative definitions of modernism. “New Europe” in the years 1918–1939 was in favour of modernity, pursuing consistently civilizational advancement, with the good use of tools brought about by the new political reality and, first and foremost, the national independence gained by many states in the aftermath of World War I.
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70%
PL
Jews from Central-Eastern Europe play a significant role in the formation of individual and social self-awareness in the Jewish world. It seems that in the Jewish world there exists a polarised approach to the Jews from this part of the world. On the one hand, there is pride, on the other, prejudice verging on shame. Some Jews have identified themselves with the group, others did the opposite, denied having anything to do with them. The most important question of our analyses is: what is the role of Eastern European Jews in building Jewish collective identity? Byron Sherwin, an American Jew, is an example of a great fascination with the Yiddish civilisation. Not only does he recognize and appreciate the spiritual legacy of Jews in Poland for other Jews around the world, but also accords this legacy a pre-eminent status in the collective Jewish identity. At the same time, he is conscious of the fact that not all Jews, if only in the United States, share his view. It is an upshot of the deep prejudice towards the life in the European Diaspora, which has been in evidence for some time. The same applies to the Jews in Israel. The new generations see the spiritual and cultural achievements of the Eastern European Jews as a legacy that should be learned and developed. This engenders hope that the legacy of the Jews of Eastern Europe will be preserved and will become a foundation of identity for future generations.    
EN
Jews from Central-Eastern Europe play a significant role in the formation of individual and social self-awareness in the Jewish world. It seems that in the Jewish world there exists a polarised approach to the Jews from this part of the world. On the one hand, there is pride, on the other, prejudice verging on shame. Some Jews have identified themselves with the group, others did the opposite, denied having anything to do with them. The most important question of our analyses is: what is the role of Eastern European Jews in building Jewish collective identity? Byron Sherwin, an American Jew, is an example of a great fascination with the Yiddish civilisation. Not only does he recognize and appreciate the spiritual legacy of Jews in Poland for other Jews around the world, but also accords this legacy a pre-eminent status in the collective Jewish identity. At the same time, he is conscious of the fact that not all Jews, if only in the United States, share his view. It is an upshot of the deep prejudice towards the life in the European Diaspora, which has been in evidence for some time. The same applies to the Jews in Israel. The new generations see the spiritual and cultural achievements of the Eastern European Jews as a legacy that should be learned and developed. This engenders hope that the legacy of the Jews of Eastern Europe will be preserved and will become a foundation of identity for future generations.  
EN
This text is intended as a tribute to André Dembicz, a respected scholar who maintained a constant exchange with university centers in Latin America and with international institutions concerned with Latin America. Without holding Eu-rocentric stereotypes of the world, Dembicz belongs to the limited group of intellectuals who value the exchange of academic analysis between colleagues in Latin America and those in Central Eastern Europe. I found in CESLA, under his direction, a space for ref-lection about the transition from a society ruled by the Plan and the one-party govern-ment, to a society ruled by the economic market and experimenting with multiparty sys-tem. As a token of my appreciation, I have elaborated the present article in tribute to André Dembicz. Before the ruins of the Berlin Wall, I take a moment to reflect. The big question lies in the interpretation of its fall. There are several question marks. Has all the rubble been removed? What has been built in its place: only one world, in which old rivals join in partnership, a grand negotiation? Or two different worlds? In the specific case of the Central-Eastern Europe, which is the main focus of this article, what resulted from the reestablishment of the relationship with Western Europe? In the current enlargement process, where are Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC: Poland, Check Re-public, Slovakia, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Hungary, Bulgary, Romenia) going? Are they merely co-operators or fundamental protagonists? I will reflect on these highly to-pical issues.
ES
O presente texto é introduzido com homenagem a André Dembicz, respeitável scholar, que manteve constante intercâmbio com centros universitários da América Latina e com instituições internacionais, voltadas para a América Latina. Sem abrigar estereótipos eurocêntricos de mundo, Dembicz faz parte de seleto grupo de intelectuais, que valoriza o cruzamento de análises de acadêmicos latino-americanos com colegas da Europa Centro-Oriental. Encontrei no CESLA, por ele dirigido, espaço de reflexão sobre a transição de sociedade regida pelo Plano e partida únicos, para sociedade regida pela economia de mercado e que experimenta o pluripartidarismo. É com tal débito, que elaborei o presente texto em homenagem a André Dembicz. Reflito diante dos destroços do muro de Berlim. A grande questão é interpretar sua queda. Há muitas interrogações. Foram retirados todos os escombros? O que se construiu no lugar: um só mundo, em que antigos rivais se engajam em parceria, em grande negociação? Ou dois outros mundos? No caso especìfico da Europa Centro-Oriental, foco principal do presente texto, o que resultou do reatamento das relações com a Europa Ocidental? No atual processo de alargamento, para onde estão indo os Paìses da Europa Central e Oriental (PECO: Polônia, República Tcheca, Eslováquia, Lituânia, Letônia, Estônia, Hungria, Bulgária, Romênia)? São simples coadjuvantes ou protagonistas fundamentais? Vou refletir a respeito destas candentes questões.
EN
Mountains are stable and evident phenomenon, especially in contrast with large lowland, as in case of Poland. They determine separateness of the greatest West Slavonic nation from its southern neighbours. On the other hand, in the past Carpathians and Sudeten were a scarcely populated area, entered by the German (from the west) and Walachian (from the south-east) migrants, with important cultural and political consequences. The effect was the diversification of ethnical landscape, with consequences for the process of shaping of modern nations, especially in the case of Slovak nation, which absorbed the great part of eastern, shepherd imigration. For Czechs and Hungarians mountains were protection from German or Slavic environment. Slavic nations after the second World War were situated, as an effect of ethnical cleansing, in national states with large “Wild Camps” in depopulated German or Ukrainian highlands. In this situation especially valuable is the old community of Polish highlanders, perceived abroad as stereotyped Poles with great love for homeland and liberty.
EN
The article is dedicated to reviewing the “cordon sanitaire” technic towards radical parties in electoral and parliamentary-cabinet aspects of their activity at the example of Central and Eastern European countries. The authors identified types of cross-party cooperation’s strategies between traditional and radical left-wing and right-wing parties. They are co-optation of party, collaboration of party, ignoring the party, isolation of party. The authors also determined attributes of legal and political containment of radical parties in Central-Eastern European countries, analyzed different parameters of severity (power) and effectiveness, implications and conclusions of the “cordon sanitaire” technic at the example of Central-Eastern European countries. The focus of the article is verification and application of the «cordon sanitaire» technic in Central and Eastern European countries, at the example of Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia.
15
61%
PL
Metropolizacja jest jednym z najbardziej dynamicznych procesów współczesnego świata, zmienia ona istniejące relacje w sieciach osadniczych i tworzy nowe powiązania między wielkimi miastami. Od kilkunastu lat zjawisko to dotyczy również krajów Europy Środkowej. Artykuł przedstawia miejsce miast tych krajów w europejskich sieciach, a na tym tle charakteryzuje procesy kształtowania się polskich metropolii i ich przemiany społeczno-przestrzenne.
EN
Metropolization is one of the most dynamic processes of contemporary world, changing the existing settlement patterns and creating new relations among large cities. Recently, metropolization concerns also Central and Eastern Europe. The article evaluates the position of CEE cities in the European metropolitan network and describes the process of creation of Polish metropolises and their social and spatial transformation.
PL
Głównym motywem zainicjowania Trójkąta Kaliningradzkiego jest stworzenie warunków do współpracy na szczeblu dyplomatycznym i czynników poprawy dialogu europejskiego pomiędzy Rosją i UE. W dalszej perspektywie ma on na celu wzmocnienie polskiej pozycji w regionie. Głównym celem tego artykułu jest analiza takiej formy współpracy. Inicjatywa ta jest dość skomplikowana, a sposób jej postrzegania jest inny u każdego partnera. Jednocześnie Trójkąt Kaliningradzki jest platformą realizacji partykularnych interesów Niemiec i Rosji. W szczególności w ramach dialogu energetycznego Ewentualność budowy elektrowni jądrowej w Kaliningradzie i eksport energii stamtąd do UE jest ogromnym zagrożeniem dla bezpieczeństwa energetycznego Polski, pogłębiającym uzależnienie od energii rosyjskiej. Trójkąt Kaliningradzki może być także platformą integracji w tej części Europy. Egzystencjalnym problemem dla Polski jest budowanie własnej pozycji jako ważnego partnera w tym układzie. Jedną z możliwości jest poszukiwanie równowagi pomiędzy dwoma potęgami w UE: Niemcami i Francją. Odpowiednią platformą dla osiągnięcia tej równowagi jest Trójkąt Weimarski. Należy zauważyć, że szersze otwarcie „rosyjskiego okna na Europę” może przerodzić się w poważne zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa Polski.
EN
As the main motive to initiate Kaliningrad Triangle is to create a cooperation on diplomatic level and factor to improve European dialogue between Russia and EU. In further perspective it has reinforced polish position in the region. The main aim of this paper is to analyze this form of cooperation. This initiative is quite complicated and the way of perceive it is different of each partner. Simultaneously the Kaliningrad Triangle is a platform to realize a particular interests for Germany and Russia. Especially in energy dialogue to realize a priority partnership in electric power industry between Russia and European Union. Eventuality of building nuclear power plant in Kaliningrad and export its energy production to EU is a huge threat for polish energy security and deeper dependence of Russian energy. Kaliningrad Triangle can be also a platform of integration in this part of Europe. An existential problem for Poland is to build own position as a important partner in this trend. One of possibilities is to find some balance between two powers in EU- Germany and France. The suitable platform for reach this balance is Weimar Triangle. It should be noted that the wider opening “Russian window on the Europe” could escalate into serious threat for security of Poland.
PL
Celem artykułu jest porównanie skali zaangażowania właścicielskiego Skarbu Państwa (SP) w największych przedsiębiorstwach w 13 krajach postsocjalistycznych Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej. Przedmiotem analizy są przedsiębiorstwa z udziałem SP znajdujące się na liście 500 największych przedsiębiorstw „Coface – CEE Top 500” w 2013 r. Przedsiębiorstwo państwowe zdefiniowano jako takie, w którym SP ma bezpośrednio lub pośrednio powyżej 50,01% udziałów. Wśród 500 analizowanych podmiotów zidentyfikowano 69 przedsiębiorstw państwowych – wszystkie o rodowodzie socjalistycznym. Najwięcej z nich występuje w Polsce (19) i na Ukrainie (12). Przedsiębiorstwa te dominują w sektorach produkcji energii, przemysłu naftowego i gazowego oraz transportu. Jako przyczyny „trwania” własności państwowej wskazano niedokończone procesy prywatyzacji i utrzymanie udziałów w tzw. sektorach strategicznych
EN
An article aims to compare a state as an owner of enterprises in 13 postsocialist CEE countries and indicate causes of that. The largest state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are selected based on the list „Coface – CEE Top 500” in 2013. A state-owned enterprise is defined as a such in which a state has directly or indirectly minimum 50,01% of shares. Among 500 enterprises, 69 were identified as state-owned, all of them of a socialist origin. Majority of them are from Poland (19) and Ukraine (12). SOEs are dominant in energy supply, oil and gas sector and transport. As causes of a persistence of state ownership in postsocialist countries not accomplished privatization and strategic sectors are indicated.
Porównania
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2012
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vol. 11
139-156
EN
The text is dedicated to ostalgia – a deformed memory of communism which appeared in the countries of the former Eastern bloc where it is reflected in the public discourse, historical and politological debates, in forms of media activity but also in literary and cinema arts. Ostalgia assumes various forms which base on local conditions: the shape and intensity of the post-war regime, historical, social, moral and mental contexts. The features which allow to present the specificity of the ostalgic memory are: selectivity, inaccuracy and imperfection. If ostalgia is built on the sentiment towards some aspects of the past then its negation, which can be called non-reversibility,originates from resentiments towards the past and are visible in the unwillingness towards recollection, a flight from the past into presentism but also reaching the darkest experience of the communist times. The text reveals the phenomenon of ostalgia and non-reversibility found in Central European films produced after the breakthrough of 1989. 
PL
Tekst poświęcony został ostalgii – zdeformowanej pamięci o komunizmie, która pojawiła się w krajach byłego bloku wschodniego, gdzie znalazła swoje odbicie w dyskursie publicznym, w debatach historycznych, politologicznych, w formach aktywności medialnej a także w sztuce literackiej i filmowej. Ostalgia przybiera zróżnicowane formy uwzględniające uwarunkowania lokalne: kształt i nasilenie powojennego reżimu, konteksty historyczne, społeczne, obyczajowe a także mentalnościowe. Cechy, które pozwalają oddać specyfikę ostalgicznej pamięci to: wybiórczość, niedokładność, niepełność, niedoskonałość. Jeśli ostalgia budowana jest na sentymencie do pewnych aspektów przeszłości to jej zaprzeczenie, które nazwać można bezpowrotnością znajduje swoje źródło w resentymentach do przeszłości, przejawiając się w niechęci do wspominania, ucieczką od przeszłości w prezentyzm, ale także sięgania do najciemniejszych doświadczeń czasów komunizmu. Tekst ujawnia zjawisko ostalgii i bezpowrotności odnalezione w filmach środkowoeuropejskich, zrealizowanych po przełomie 1989 roku.
Porównania
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2014
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vol. 15
245-255
EN
The article contains an interpretation of the atypical book written by Juriy Andruchovych in 2011 titled Leksykon miast intymnych (Intimate towns lexicon). The author decided to set his recollections in the alphabetical order by connecting all of the memories with descriptions of cities he had visited during his whole life. This idea enabled the writer not only to create pictures of the visited towns but also to describe the historical and cultural transformation of Central and Eastern Europe. Andruchovych was mostly interested in briging to life a picture of his own homeland, Ukraine, especially during the post-communist
PL
Artykuł zawiera interpretację nietypowej książki Jurija Andruchowycza, wydanej w roku 2011, a zatytułowanej Leksykon miast intymnych. Autor postanowił ułożyć swoje wspomnienia w alfabetycznym porządku łącząc je z opisami miast, które odwiedzał w ciągu całego życia. Ten koncept umożliwił pisarzowi nie tylko stworzenie obrazów poznanych miast, ale także wizji historycznych i kulturowych przemian w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej. Głównym celem Andruchowycza okazało się wykreowanie wizji własnej ojczyzny, przede wszystkim w czasach transformacji ustrojowej. Ukraińskie postawy narodowe i zmieniające się poczucie tożsamości w „młodym” państwie, narodzie i społeczności są najważniejszym tematem tego niezwykłego, prywatnego leksykonu. Wyrazista i pełna wizja została złożona z intymnych wspomnień oraz osobistych spostrzeżeń i rozpoznań.
EN
The article is an attempt to demonstrate opportunities for analysing the constructing of Poland’s “soft” power, especially the image of Poland in Europe and the world, arising from Polish post-colonial studies, in particular its post-dependence variation. Basing on Tomasz Zarycki’s theory, the author discusses centre-periphery relations with focus on long-term structural conditions affecting Poland and other Central-Eastern European countries. Using historical materials from the inter-war period, she characterises two basic strategies of constructing representations of Polish cultural identity aimed at the international public. One consists of emphasising peripheral specifi city, primaririly national identity and its roots. The other “occidentalises” it, demonstrating connections with the past and present of the Western civilisation, mostly European cultural traditions and modernisation. In the conclusion the author argues that contemporary Polish cultural diplomacy still relies on these two strategies, the former being associated with the concept of “ethnodesign” and the latter – a national brand.
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