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EN
The article presents a problem of similarity of persuasive potential included in discourses of politics and political ones in their treatment of a subject of civil society. We say that - in conditions of mass society - various political orientations share persuasion which promotes public spirit as their instrument of political mobilization.
EN
The article discusses one the methods facilitating an establishment or disintegration of the civil society. The concept of the civil society is based on the assumption that all people are equal. The establishment of so understood civil society is facilitated by the granfalloon technique, that is referring to the group pride. However, the society may be also disrupted by means of the granfalloon technique, which takes place when the granfalloon is based on an ethnocentric idea. It is the doublespeak that is invaluable in establish¬ment of granfalloons disintegrating the civil society. The characteristics of this propaganda technique has been also discussed in this article.
EN
The definition of a nation, which could be suitable for all groups, which find themselves as a nation and in the same time are perceived as a nation and are considered a nation by other groups does not exist and probably never will. In European politics in XX century it can be observed that after 1945-1989 has come a period of much more nationalistic character. First of all, "civil society develops nowadays as a national country or remains in more or less close connections with aspirations to creating such country". Secondly, common values that exist in such society are mainly values that enter into the composition of national culture.
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Starting with an analysis of EU legal sources, this article will first highlight the rising interest in the participation of Civil Society in the EU integration process as a possible remedy to bridge the gap between supranational governance and citizens; in a second step, it will discuss the ambiguous use of the term “Civil Society” in the European debate. Hence it will present the role of Civil Society in the policymaking process as an organized actor in multilevel governance, specifically with regard to the European citizens’ initiatives (ECIs) (art. 11.4 TEU) launched so far. The article aims to analyze ECIs from the perspective of Civil Society participation at the EU level. In the conclusion, the article – on the limited issue of the ECI – draws some critical conclusions regarding the actual outcomes that the active promotion of Civil Society participation has achieved and some questions about the democratic added-value that Civil Society could bring to a more grounded legitimacy of EU decisions.
EN
Last two decades of the 19th century were also a peak period of the Czech immigration to Vienna. The study analyzes reasons why most of tens of thousands immigrants from Czech speaking parts of Bohemian lands were not recorded during population censuses 1880–1910 with the Czech language of common communication. For this reason it first brings forth a situation of the Czech minority and a social climate it had to face in Vienna and then it defines a category of the “language of common communication” used in pre-Cisleithan censuses. Later on it describes a course of the census of the language of the common communication in Vienna. It also takes into account interest positions of the Cisleithan state (a support of a natural migrant assimilation out of the reason of social cohesion sustenance), German nationalistic activists (an assimilation of Slavic immigrants in the German territory “at any rate”, that is also a violent one) and also of Czech nationalistic activists (the fight against assimilation and a denial of a natural assimilation existence).
PL
Without doubt, tension between Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Hizmet Movement is of vital importance for both Turkey and international society. This conflict is also important for Turkey’s future when considering the concept of democracy. In this context, this tension has been mentioned by both academic and associated political interests worldwide. Therefore the importance of the outcome of this issue is going to be one of the key factors deciding Turkey’s political and social future. To clearly understand and make predictions concerning Turkey’s future, it is important to understand not only the actors involved and their normative and ideological perspectives; the deeper problematic areas of the Turkish state should also be explored. This paper outlines almost ten years of Turkey’s social and political life under these two main opposing actors. This study will try to find a rational answer to the question of “what will be the outcome of this tension surrounding Turkish democracy for the political arena and civil society?” In this respect, the contemporary meaning of civil society, its importance for a healthy democracy and the relation among the state, the government which controls all state apparatus and the civil society organisations is explained. The final part provides further details about the AKP and Hizmet Movement and the subjects of their tension.
EN
This article discusses the issue of state cooperation with non-governmental organizations in public diplomacy. This has been explored in relation to the liberal perspective in international relations, which very clearly highlights the importance of NGOs as an influential participant in world politics. The article contains an analysis of the international system, categorizes the roles and functions of NGOs in international relations. It shows concepts on contemporary understanding of power and a clear focus on reinforcing and using components of soft power, including public diplomacy, in moden international relations. Methodological aspects are deepened by an analytical layer exploring Civil Society 2.0 Program, what is an example of an effective combination of diplomatic efforts between the state and NGOs to achieve common goals.
EN
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, and in the first democratic national elections of 1993, voter turnout in Latvia was 89.9 per cent. However, by the late 90s, participation levels had significantly decreased. Scholars have pointed out that this decrease was a result of people gradually learning the limits of democratic governance while tackling the feeling of political powerlessness and decreasing trust in politicians and political institutions - all of which have had negative effects on civil society and democratic ideals. Youths in particular were affected by the sum of all this, seeing, first-hand, income inequality, economic stagnation, corruption, and personal unemployment (or that of their parents). All this, combined with a lack of democratic traditions, has resulted in scepticism and political apathy. This paper shows that, since 2009, Latvia has seen a decrease in all forms of political participation, including a share of its youths who run as MP candidates in elections. The paper aims to clarify what would help bring Latvian youths back into politics.
EN
The article deals with a topical problem to harmonize the ever growing diversity of methodological tools for historical research and the necessity to deepen homogeneous understanding of a human being both as a subject and an object of a historical process. Humanforming function of culture requires active cooperation of different scientific approaches. In the conditions of rapid changes of real historical situation of civilizational choice it becomes extremely important to probe deep into essence of human nature. Controversial interpretation of human nature, the burden of mental stereotypes, the lack of racial and national tolerance remained the source of dangerous conflicts at all the stages of historical development. The potential of historical anthropology is far from being exhausted in a sense of methodological seifdevelopment of national historiography. Active segmentation and specification of general methodological outlook of a modern scientist sometimes leads to erosion in humanistic perception of a historical moment, to a neglect of a human being, to misunderstanding of his or her life world. In this sense a well-known Husserl’s concept “life world„ has a good perspective from the point of view of widening the horizons of modern historical epistemiology. In the paradigm of historical experience and historical consciousness the opposition human being — system acqures purely practical content in the process of investigating real evolution of European civil society. Postmodern “occupation of life world“ (Habermas) in conditions of globalization leads to reevaluation of possibilities of the system and corresponding underevaluation of the possibilities and the role of the human being. And this, in ist turn, leads to underestimation of human experience as the most important content of historical science.
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EN
According to the pre­‑eminent Anglican theologian John Milbank, if Christians do not think about politics in disconnection from their faith, they come up with similar conclusions. The article argues that a specific social ontology and unique anthropology underlies this Christian vision of politics. In its first part, primarily following the work of the American Thomist Russell Hittinger, the article demonstrates how this specific social ontology is inherent to the Catholic social doctrine. It discusses the Catholic understanding of group personality and civil society in contrast to liberal thought. In its second part, in line with the political experience of the richest Italian region Lombardy, the article delineates a specific anthropological vision, which has influenced various policies of the so­‑called Lombardy­‑model. In contrast to both liberalism, and statism, the theoreticians of Lombardy emphasized the positive anthropology of human beings. Lombardy consequently attempted to respect the plurality of social forms which can be found in society in its (social, health-care, educational) policies. The article demonstrates how one of the fundamental principles of the social doctrine of the Church, the principle of subsidiarity, can become the basis for several political experiments by the Lombardy government.
EN
In Nigeria, Community Based Organisations (CBOs) have been involved in diverse development and poverty reduction programmes in many states. In Oyo State, their involvements have been evident for more than five decades now, a long time enough for their impacts to be readily felt, thus due for empirical evaluation. This study therefore evaluated activities of CBOs, as institutions of civil society, in poverty reduction in Oyo State, Nigeria. Data were collected through questionnaire administration on 1,104 households across three (3) Senatorial Districts in the State. Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) were also conducted for registered CBOs in the districts. Descriptive statistics were used in analysing the data collected. Findings revealed that many CBOs existed in the areas, out of which the Landlord Associations and Town Unions accounted for 60 per cent. The projects that have abated poverty which were undertaken by these CBOs were in the areas of economy and empowerment (63.7%), security facilities and services (23.0%), and infrastructure provision (13.3%). Any attempt towards sustainable development should therefore take into cognisance the impact that these two organisations, among others, are capable of exerting in locations that exemplifies similar cultural, social, economic and political characteristics.
PL
W Nigerii Organizacje Społecznościowe (ang.: Community Based Organisations (CBOs)) zostały zaangażowane w różne programy mające na celu rozwój oraz ograniczanie ubóstwa w wielu stanach. W stanie Oyo, ich zaangażowanie jest widoczne już od ponad pięćdziesięciu lat, wystarczająco długo, aby rzeczywiście odczuć i empirycznie ocenić efekty ich działań. Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu ewaluację wpływu działalności CBOs jako organizacji społeczności obywatelskich na ograniczanie ubóstwa w Stanie Oyo w Nigerii. Dane zgromadzono dzięki badaniom opartym na kwestionariuszach wypełnionych w 1 104 gospodarstwach domowych. Przeprowadzono też dyskusje w grupach fokusowych z zarejestrowanymi Organizacjami Społecznościowymi. Do analizy danych wykorzystano statystykę opisową. Wyniki badań ukazały, że na analizowanym obszarze działa wiele CBOs, z czego 60% aktywności przypada na Stowarzyszenia Gospodarzy (ang.: Landlord Associations) oraz Unie Miejskie (ang.: Town Unions). Projekty, które przyczyniły się do zmniejszenia ubóstwa, przeprowadzono w obszarach: gospodarki i praworządności (63,7%), usług i urządzeń bezpieczeństwa (23%), a także infrastruktury (13,3%). Z tego względu pod uwagę powinny być wzięte próby dążenia do zrównoważonego rozwoju, ponieważ owe dwie organizacje są w stanie wpłynąć na obszary stanowiące przykłady aspektów kulturalnych, społecznych, gospodarczych oraz politycznych.
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