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EN
In this article, I analyse the work of two Native playwrights: Mary Kathryn Nagle’s (Cherokee) Sliver of a Full Moon and Marie Clements’ (Metis/Dene) Tombs of the Vanishing Indian. I trace how these two women use the stage as a space for portraying embodied, historic, gendered violence, like rape, forced sterilization, and the disruption of family relationships. In addition, Nagle and Clements also perform possible worlds into being where Native women lead their communities toward healing and restoration.
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EN
In this paper I problematize the notion of majority/ minority and try to argue that much of this construction can be shown to have links with forms of colonial governmentality in South Asia. Using relevant literature, the paper discusses how categories such as “minority” or “majority” came into being and were normalized through different technologies of power in post‑colonial states such as ours. Such constructions, when taken uncritically, can pose problems for the communities to which they refer. The paper indicates that nomenclature is an important issue and one needs to be careful about the terms they use, as they may have a far‑reaching effect.
EN
Of all the colonial involvements in Africa, public health and addressing outbreaks of infectious diseases were among the important issues in the handling of local administration for both colonial regimes and the medical community. Colonial efforts to deal with health in Africa were closely related to the economic interests of the colonialists. Health was not an end in itself, but rather a prerequisite for colonial development. Colonial medicine was primarily concerned with maintaining the health of Europeans living in Africa, because they were viewed as essential to the colonial project’s success. The health of the colonized subjects was only a concern when their ill-health threatened colonial economic enterprises or the health of Europeans. Such was the case of smallpox epidemic and the subsequent reaction to its prevention and management. As a result, the control of smallpox marked the first occasion during which preventive health measures had been used successfully against an infectious disease. Against this backdrop, this article explores the British perception of smallpox which dictated the choice of anti-smallpox epidemic measures. Subsequently, the paper will examine colonial efforts at controlling and managing smallpox outbreak in Southwestern Nigeria through its various medical policies.
EN
The paper examines the measures put in place by the British colonial government towards safeguarding the health and wellbeing of people, and thereby guaranteeing an enabling environment for surplus human and natural resources maximization. The study explores oral testimonies, extant literature, and colonial archival documents to juxtapose the extent of the impact of the colonial health programmes on Ilorin province between 1900 and 1960. The traditional medical and religion practices of the natives were discerned as impediments to good health and smooth transmission of colonial ideologies. Campaigns and instrument of the law were promulgated to frustrate African traditional values and unhealthy lifestyles perceived as obstruction to the colonial public health programmes. The traditional rulers and sanitary inspectors were engaged and empowered to prosecute erring violators of public health ordinances promulgated to cinch the wellbeing of Europeans, the colonial civil servants, and the natives. Shortage of personnel and the quest for efficient resource management prompted the British colonial masters to administer hospital care extensively through the Christian missionary medical facilities. The few British health officials with some trained natives directly served as sanitary supervisors and medical field units and administered the colonial public health programmes. Their efforts, activities, and control measures such as health campaign and education, medical examination, mass vaccination, sanitary and hygiene supervision and monitoring, and provision of public works and amenities promoted the good health of the people and curtailed the extent of epidemic diseases.
EN
The paper focuses on the impact of discourses on positioning working children in social and political agendas in a semi-peripheral region of the world system. In Latin America at least two narratives around the issue of child labour coexist. Each of them has distinct political implications and practical consequences. On the one hand, we consider the Eurocentric conception of international agencies which establish the hegemonic categories related to childhood. This eurocentric discourse may seem distant and hardly operative in Latin American context, but we highlight its relevance since it is expressed in human rights instruments that have been ratified and incorporated in our countries legal framework. On the other hand, the postcolonial narrative raises the need to establish differentiated forms of nomination to address childhood in the periphery of the world system. Although this narrative may constitute a closer approach to the reality of children in the periphery, its corollary can be seen as a defense of child labour due to “cultural factors” that contributed to its naturalization and invisibilization. Though at face value it may seem an emancipatory discourse, we suggest that it consists of a conservative one, since it tends to the reproduction of inequality in society, based on the idea that people are assigned to certain positions in the productive structure due to their socio economic background. Altogether, the analysis of the ideological implications present in the narratives around the category of child labour is necessary to account for the factors that contribute to its persistence in Latin America.
EN
The study addresses some important issues concerning the decolonization of Rwanda as reflected mostly in Belgian archival documents. Its main aim is to analyze the polarizing ethno-political atmosphere which resulted from completely failed policy of “racial” division of natives in Rwanda into fixed categories of “Hutu” and “Tutsi”. It deals with the process of artificial ethnic categorization and its materialization in the political struggle in the last years of Belgian colonial rule which were, retrospectively, probably the most crucial and turbulent in Rwandan modern history, especially when it comes to the genocide in 1994. Proclamation of Rwandan independence in 1962, victory of the Hutu political parties in autumn of 1961, and ambivalent attitude of the Belgian administration toward increasing tensions presented the first major threat to the cohabitation of the Hutu and Tutsi in Rwanda, which still remains one of the most tangible examples of the negative effects of the European colonialism, and the quick, unprepared, chaotic, and desperately underestimated decolonization which, in many other cases, led to deep political crises in Africa.
EN
The modern international law is considered an offshoot of European intellectual contributions as its basic foundation is deeply imbued with the political and social upheavals took place in European history. As an example, the Westphalian order emerged in the culmination of thirty years war in 1648 was regarded as the most pivotal mile stone in modern history of international law. Yet the European domination and its intellectual contribution to the development of international law systematically excluded non-European nations from international law and its protection, which finally paved the path to use international law in the 19th century as a tool of legitimizing the colonial expansion. This paper seeks to trace the historiography of modern international law and its dubious nature of disdaining non-Europeans and their civilizational thinking. Furthermore, this paper argues how European historical encounters carved the map of international law from a vantage point, which gave an utter prominence upon the European intellectual monopoly. The results emerge from this paper will strongly suggest the need of an alternative scholarship to unveil the history of international law.
EN
Arguably, urbanisation, which entails spatial, social, and temporal phenomena, is social process that describes the manner in which cities grow and societies become more complex. From this point of view, urbanisation is not a new phenomenon in Nigeria in particular, and Africa in general. The process of urbanisation in Nigeria began in the pre-colonial period and continued during colonial and post-colonial periods. However, the factors or conditions that facilitated urbanisation in each historical epoch of urbanisation in Nigeria have changed over time. This paper, therefore, interrogates the effect of colonialism on the emergence of urban spaces in Nigeria between 1900 and 1960. It argues that migration, which constituted one of the main drivers of the emergence of urban spaces in Nigeria during this period, was promoted by the introduction of the British colonial policy of administration. Of the three main trends of internal migration during colonial Nigeria, our focus in this paper is the third trend, which involves a drift from the rural areas and the lesser towns to the new urban centres of commerce and administration that developed in response to the establishment of formal colonial rule in the country. This trend of internal migration was witnessed in different parts of Nigeria such as Lagos, Ibadan, Ogbomoso, Osogbo, Benin City (all in Western Nigeria); Onitsha, Enugu, Calabar, Port Harcourt (all in Eastern Nigeria); Kano, Jos, Makurdi, Zaria, Sokoto and Kaduna (all in Northern Nigeria) between 1900 and 1960. It concludes that the physical spaces in these cities have had a fundamental significance for the host communities, migrants and for host/migrant relations. The methodological approach adopted in this paper is historical, thematic, and analytical, utilising materials from both primary and secondary sources.
EN
The process of the racialisation of the Western political thinking and its expansion into the Western political thinking is analyzed in the context in the British colonial experience and the phenomenon of Morant Bay Rebellion in Jamaica in 1865. Jamaica – whose economy been based traditionally on sugar plantation – suffered by the decline of world prizes, abolition of slavery, and end of trade monopoly in the first decades of the nineteenth century. The British colony witnessed widespread poverty and deterioration of racial relationships. The methods used by Governor Edward John Eyre to suppress the revolt of local black populations in October 1865 compromised the image of Great Britain as “moral empire”, split the British public opinion and demonstrated visibly the crisis of the Western liberalism challenged by the political and social problems in the overseas.
EN
Ethiopia has never been colonized except for a short period of Italian occupation in 1930s. It would seem that the absence of European colonialism contributed to a rather different development of nationalism due to many different historical factors and experiences. However, since 1950s, and more openly from the 1960s we can see the rise of nationalism in Ethiopia which used the same “colonial” perspectives as their other African counterparts. When civil war broke out in 1962 and Eritrea began to struggle for independence, it had a direct impact on other nationalist movements in Ethiopia itself, namely the Oromo nationalism. Moreover, in the era of decolonization, Marxism played a role of an inspirational revolutionary ideology in many corners of Africa. The same can be said about the Oromo nationalism, as it was the main bearer of Marxism which then resulted in series of uprising leading to the deposition of Haile Sellassie. Suddenly, demands on democratization, self-determination,equality, and human rights began to be articulated with the same intensity as, for instance, in Rwanda. Later on, demands on “decolonization”, i.e. dismantling of “traditional” Imperial régime formed a part of the “social revolution”. Haile Sellassie’s regime, once hailed as modernizing, began to be seen as backward and in many senses “colonizing” type of rule. It had also a direct impact on national identity and/or identities, because the nationalist movements redefined centuries long “map” of Ethiopia by giving accent to the diverse nature of Ethiopia’s population.
EN
The study focuses on the analysis of social political and economical transformations in connection with the decolonization of the former Territory of Papua and New Guinea. The study core includes an analysis of colonial arrangements and its influence on the transformation of society at the time before the independence and after the formation of the independent state of PapuaNew Guinea. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the formation of elites and working classes within the former equalitarian communities, the blending of original, i.e. Big-Man systems with politics, and the influence of monetary economics on the former systems of socio-political ceremonial exchanges. The author documents how the colonial arrangement influenced the segmented ethnic identity of the inhabitants in the state of Papua-New Guinea, which the author understands as a vertical scale of ethnic consciousness. In the case of Papua- New Guinea the author shows that ethnic identity is divided into four levels: the country, the provincial, the territorial and the national one. Simultaneously, the author documents that in addition to the vertical division, also the horizontal division developed in the new state, which is result of the commencement of monetary economics.
EN
The mobilisation caused a great social mobility in the Maghreb countries that had never been seen before. More than two hundred thousand men participated in the war operations, and almost a hundred and fifty thousand went to work in the metropolitan factories. They have discovered a new world: a more egalitarian society than that of their country. They were influenced by new ideologies: nationalism, Pan-Islamism, bolshevism, and Wilson’s 14 points. The contact with the workers’ world transformed them into thinking beings – says one of their spokesmen, El Emir Khaled. The author presents the activities of Charles-André Julien (1891–1991), a social-communist militant (in 1924 he left the Communist Party) describing the awakening to self-consciousness of the Maghrebis (the “natives”) and the realization of their national and social situation. This militant, and later prominent historian of the Maghreb, contributed a lot to making the colonial problem an important matter in French political life at the beginning of the 1920s.
Open Theology
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2014
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vol. 1
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issue 1
EN
In this article, I examine the role of Sufism (and Sufi leaders) as they relate to anti-colonial political and military resistance movements. Sufism is often viewed as a non-violent and non-political branch of Islam. However, I argue that there are many historical examples to illustrate the presence of anti-colonialist Sufi military movements throughout the “Muslim World,” and I give particular attention to the cases of ‘Abd al-Qadir of the Qadiriyya movement and his anti-colonialist rebellion against France in Algeria in the 1800s, as well as that of Italian colonialism in Libya and the military response by the Sanussi order. Thus, while Sufism clearly has various teachings and principles that could be interpreted to promote non-violence, Sufi political movements have also developed as a response to colonialism and imperialism, and thus, one should not automatically assume a necessary separation from Sufism and notions of military resistance.
EN
This article deals with movies made during the fascist era which are treating the topic of colonial expansion. I tried to analyse these films to find out if they were primarily racist and what message the fascist directors wanted to give to the public. I discovered that the films were mostly meant to justify the Italian intervention rather than to denigrate the African natives. In the movies the key scope was to show the Italians in the best light and depict them as a highly developed nation, which is able and willing to civilize the underdeveloped Africa. Through the analysis of these films we can take a look into the complex core of the fascist ideology.
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