Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 5

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  Communist Party of Slovakia
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
EN
The paper focuses on the analysis of wartime Slovak political parties’ views on Slovakia’s status after the World War II. The paper is divided into two main blocks. The first one deals with the shy plans of the Hlinka’s Slovak People’s representatives to maintain Slovak independence on a post-war map. Second one clarifies changing attitudes of resistance and its dialogues with the London and Moscow exile concerning the question of Slovak statehood in the context of expected Czechoslovakia’s rebirth after fall of the Nazi rule and in the very first months of 1945. The authors analyse complicated “behind-curtain” debates, the nature of discourse regarding the face of post-war Slovakia and Slovak question as a serious problem between the Slovak political opposition, Beneš’ exile government in London and communist exile in Moscow that shaped Czechoslovak internal policy even after liberation in May 1945.
EN
The article is devoted to the coverage of the political crisis in Slovakia in 1947, which for the Czech and Slovak communists, became a kind of dress rehearsal for the future nationwide putsch of 1948. The research methodology is based on general scientific and special scientific methods, allowing the authors to avoid inconsistency, imprecision, and detachment from the objective historical process. The article's authors note that the impetus for the political crisis of 1947 was the victory of the Democratic Party in the parliamentary elections of 1946 in Slovakia. This prevented the further strengthening of the position of the communists in the national system of state power by creating the prerequisites for forming an anti-communist bloc of Czech and Slovak parties. The victory of the Democratic Party in Slovakia also stood in the way of the rapid implementation of socialist transformations on the Soviet model. To avoid political isolation and clear the way for the communization of Slovakia, the communist parties of the republic started a struggle against the Democratic Party to remove it from power. The article highlights the communists' accusation against the Democratic Party of supporting the reactionary forces of the state, connections with the people's underground and emigration. The authors did not ignore the influence of external factors and attempts of the communists to use in the fight against the democrats the dissatisfaction of partisans and the left wing of the Resistance movement with the course of “purges” of Slovak national bodies from reactionary elements. The authors of the article state that the DP leadership was not ready for an aggressive communist attack, and the expected help from the Czech democratic parties did not come. The latter believed the claims of the communists that there was a real threat of separatism and a repetition of the events of “March 14, 1939” in Slovakia. As a result, through a discrediting campaign, fabrication of cases of state “enemies”, threats of mass strikes by supporters, and provocation of a government crisis, the communists managed to eliminate the majority of the Democratic Party in the Slovak national bodies, legitimately existing as a result of the 1946 elections, and to strengthen their own positions in Slovakia. The political crisis of 1947 opened the way for Slovakia to slide from democracy to dictatorship
3
84%
EN
This study looks at the life story of poet and Communist Party of Slovakia official, Ladislav Novomeský between 1951 and 1954 when he was systematically investigated in secret police prison. The reason for his political persecution was a fabricated charge of what was termed Slovak bourgeois nationalism, as a result of which he was first stripped of his political function in spring 1950, and then arrested in February 1951. In the so-called “anti-state conspiracy centred around Rudolf Slanský trial” (the Slánsky show trial), Novomeský had to testify against Vladimír Clementis. Following another round of interrogations, he was sentenced to ten years imprisonment in the so-called Slovak Bourgeois Nationalists Trial (Gustáv Husák and others) in April 1954.
EN
This study looks at the circumstances of the origin of the campaign against so-called Slovak bourgeois nationalism in spring 1950. It primarily focuses on poet and Communist Party of Slovakia figure, Ladislav Novomeský, who became one of its victims. Ideas of the existence of so-called bourgeois nationalism in Slovakia were an entirely deliberate construction with no basis in reality serving only to justify the Communist Party's immediaet needs for power. The study analyses from many perspectives the (ir)relevant arguments made in the allegations against Novomeský. It also looks in detail at how the poet's self-criticism, repeated a number of times, gradually deepened. Escalating attacks and repeated calls for party discipline forced Novomeský to resign from the use of rational arguments and instead mechanically confess to his guilt. His willingness to concede was helped significantly by the fact that so-called Slovak bourgeois nationalism was criticised in spring 1950 merely as an ideological deviation, and not as a criminal act.
EN
Slovak national (and Czechoslovak state) history, which is typical for the relationship between the Communist Party of Slovakia (CPS) and the Democratic Party (DP) and their struggle for political power. This relationship escalated especially after the loss of the parliamentary elections in May 1946, when the Slovak communists commenced a militant attack with the goal of discrediting their chief political opponent – the Democratic Party – using all possible methods. The purpose of this paper is to point out the causes that provoked the unprecedented actions of the Slovak Communists as early as 1947, to draw attention to the responsibility of western powers for the economic and subsequently also the political situation in the country, whereas this paper also discusses the differences between the CPS and the DP, the cohesiveness of the CPS and the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, which was willing to surrender significant restriction of the authority of Slovak national bodies in return for power in the state, and also points out the unjustified therminus historicus, which continues to be declared in Slovak historiography in relation to the period from 1945 to 1948.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.