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EN
Emerging from the atrocities of war, and still hoping to avert the results of the Yalta conference during which the countries of Central and South–Eastern Europe, including Poland, were “handed over” to Stalin, Poland’s 1947 Shakespeare theatre festival was a sign of courage and defiance. At the Festival 23 productions of 9 Shakespeare’s dramas were staged by theatres in 11 towns, with its finale in Warsaw. My paper will show that the Festival was an attempt to demonstrate both Polish cultural links with Europe, and to subvert Marxist ideology and Soviet culture.
EN
Emerging from the atrocities of war, and still hoping to avert the results of the Yalta conference during which the countries of Central and South–Eastern Europe, including Poland, were “handed over” to Stalin, Poland’s 1947 Shakespeare theatre festival was a sign of courage and defiance. At the Festival 23 productions of 9 Shakespeare’s dramas were staged by theatres in 11 towns, with its finale in Warsaw. My paper will show that the Festival was an attempt to demonstrate both Polish cultural links with Europe, and to subvert Marxist ideology and Soviet culture.
EN
In her study, the authoress examines one of the ways the newly established Communist regime in Czechoslovakia was using since February 1948 in an attempt to build new loyal elites and to prevent the formation of non-conformist ones. The topic is the screening of study results and political reliability of Slovak university students, which took place at the turn of 1948 and 1949 under the euphemistic name “democratization campaign” or simply “democratization”. The authoress sets the campaign into a broader political framework and into the context of the ideological discourse of those days. In doing so, she compares it to a parallel, so-called “study screening” in the Czech Lands, and also sets it in the context of multiple waves of the “purging” of Slovak universities between 1948 and 1960, showing its connection with a subsequent purge launched in 1950 as part of a campaign against the so-called Slovak bourgeois nationalism. Using results of her research in Slovak archives, she describes and summarizes the organization, course, and outcome of the “democratization campaign”. The screening used both criteria related to study results (employed primarily to justify the screening) and political criteria (reflecting the true objective of the screening process); a combination of these two groups of criteria ultimately produced several categories of students. Every student was either cleared and allowed to study on, or expelled – either temporarily, for two to three semesters during which he or she was expected to work in production, or permanently. It should be noted that there existed substantial differences in numbers of expelled students among various universities and faculties, and the authoress is trying to find an explanation. Compared to the outcome of the “study screening” in the Czech Lands, that of the “democratization campaign” in Slovakia was generally more lenient, often falling short of radical expectations of its organizers. The authoress claims that Slovakia’s outcome reflects three factors: lack of and need for skilled experts in various fields compared to the Czech Lands, the weak position of the Communist Party among students and teachers at some Slovak universities, and the existence of an Appeal Commission at the Slovak Ministry of Education, Sciences and Arts which reversed or changed many expulsion rulings. The Appeal Commission’s chairman Ernest Otto and the Commissioner of Education, Communist writer Ladislav Novomeský (1904–1976), thus found themselves in a conflict with leaders of the University Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia, their more liberal approach to the “democratization campaign” contributing to their political and criminal persecution in the 1950s.
CS
Autorka v této studii sleduje jeden ze způsobů, jímž se nově etablovaný komunistický režim v Československu po únoru 1948 snažil vybudovat si nové loajální elity a zabránit vzniku elit nekonformních. Tématem je studijní a politická prověrka posluchačů slovenských vysokých škol, která se odehrála na přelomu let 1948 a 1949 pod eufemistickým názvem „demokratizační akce“ či „demokratizace“. Autorka tuto akci zasazuje do širšího politického rámce a dobového ideologického diskurzu. Přitom ji jednak porovnává s paralelní takzvanou studijní prověrkou v českých zemích, jednak ji vřazuje do několika vln „očisty“ vysokých škol na Slovensku v letech 1948 až 1960 a ukazuje její propojení s následující čistkou uskutečněnou v roce 1950 v rámci kampaně proti takzvanému slovenskému buržoaznímu nacionalismu. Na základě výzkumu ve slovenských archivech popisuje a shrnuje organizaci, cíle, průběh a výsledky „demokratizační akce“. V prověrce se uplatňovala jak studijní kritéria (sloužící primárně k jejímu zdůvodnění), tak politická kritéria (vystihující její skutečný záměr), a jejich kombinací vzniklo několik kategorií studujících. Každý posluchač pak podle svého zařazení byl buď prověřen, anebo vyloučen – dočasně na dva až tři semestry, během nichž měl pracovat ve výrobě, nebo natrvalo. Mezi jednotlivými školami a fakultami přitom byly značné rozdíly v podílu vyloučených studentů a studentek, pro které se autorka snaží najít možná vysvětlení. Nápadné je celkově mírnější vyznění „demokratizační akce“ na Slovensku oproti „studijní prověrce“ v českých zemích, které mnohdy nenaplnilo radikálnější představy organizátorů. Podle autorky se v tomto výsledku promítly především tři faktory: citelný nedostatek a potřeba kvalifikovaných odborníků z různých oborů ve srovnání s českými zeměmi, slabá pozice komunistické strany mezi studentstvem i učitelským sborem na některých slovenských školách a konečně činnost odvolací komise zřízené při pověřenectvu školství a osvěty, která řadu verdiktů o vyloučení studujících změnila. Vedoucí komise Ernest Otto i pověřenec školství, komunistický literát Ladislav Novomeský (1904–1976) se tím dostali do konfliktu s vedením Vysokoškolského výboru Komunistické strany Slovenska a tento liberálnější postup přispěl také k jejich politické i trestní perzekuci v padesátých letech.
PL
Katolickie wydziały teologiczne na obecnym terytorium Republiki Czeskiej były aktem normatywnym w 1950 r. jednostronnie wydzielone z grona uniwersytetów, na których funkcjonowały często od ich historycznych początków. Jedynym oficjalnym wydziałem teologicznym do 1990 r. był Wydział Teologiczny Cyryla i Metodego w Pradze z siedzibą w Litomerice (którego oddział był częściowo zlokalizowany w Ołomuńcu w latach 1968-1974 jako miejsce pracy tego wydziału). Do grona uniwersytetów był możliwy powrót dopiero w 1990 r. po tzw. aksamitnej rewolucji. Od tego czasu ma miejsce stopniowe budowanie wydziałów teologicznych i poszukiwanie ich specyficznego miejsca w czeskim społeczeństwie. Artykuł podsumowuje proces ich wydzielenia i powrotu w perspektywie historii i prawa kanonicznego. Utworzenie wydziałów teologicznych ze strony Kościoła jest jednak w obecnym systemie prawnym Republiki Czeskiej ponownie jednym z wielu przejawów autonomii kościołów i związków wyznaniowych gwarantowanych przez prawo.
EN
In 1950, Catholic faculties of theology on the territory of the present-day Czech Republic were unilaterally excluded from the university structures by statute, despite their frequent affiliation with universities from the beginning. Until 1990, the only official theological faculty was the Saints Cyril and Methodius Faculty of Theology in Prague, with its seat in Litoměřice (the branch of which was partially located in Olomouc in 1968-1974 as an actually operating facility). The reincorporation of those faculties was not possible until 1990, after the Velvet Revolution. Since then we observe a gradual growth of theological faculties and a search for their unique place within the Czech society. The article recapitulates the process of their isolation and reincorporation in the historical and canon law perspective. However, the Church’s establishment of theological faculties is again one of the many manifestations of the autonomy of the Church and religious organisations, which is guaranteed by law in the current legal order of the Czech Republic.
EN
In his study whose Polish title, namely “Degeneracja fantazmatu homoseksualnego w znormalizowanej kinematografii czechosłowackiej: Od Krawca i księcia Václava Krški (1956) do Chłopaków z brązu Stanislava Strnada”, published in Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, Vol. 52, No. 2 (2017), pp. 79–146, the author analyses the depiction of male homosexuality and nudity in Czechoslovak films during the Communist regime. The topic is examined in a broader context of sociopolitical developments and Czechoslovak film production after WW2. In doing so, the author makes an assumption that an analysis of such seemingly marginal or surficial phenomena can open a way to more substantial characteristic features of the period. The study, inspired, in particular, by concepts of thinkers, such as Michel Foucault, Marc Ferro or Siegfried Kracauer, and some cinema historians, focuses on two movies of film directors known to be homosexuals – Václav Krška’s Labakan (1956) and Stanislav Strnad’s Bronze Boys (1980), its aim being to compare how homosexual phantasm were sublimed in an art form and transferred to the screen in two historical moments; at the time of the start of the de-Stalinisation process and of breaking up of cultural schemes of Socialist realism in the early second half of the 1950s, and in the middle of the so-called normalization period during the rule of Gustáv Husák (1913–1991). Using the above as the basis, he attempts to follow the symptomatic qualitative transformation in the ways and functions of the film depiction of homosexual motifs, which he describes as a degeneration, as it reflected the motifs’ expropriation, “redirection”, and use by the totalitarian regime. The author present the creative world of Václav Krška (1900–1969) with a variety of more or less hidden homosexual signals, hints, and undertones, and the specific place which the Czechoslovak-Bulgarian adaptation of the oriental fairytale Labakan occupies in it. He argues in favour of a concept that Krška, through his refined aesthetic stylisation, created a refuge of intimate freedom and “savoir vivre” for himself and his spectators, a refuge where one could be relieved from pressures of the oppressive regime, and also made a gesture of resistance against and disagreement with the hetero-normative world. On the other hand, the movie The Bronze Boys by Stanislav Strnad (1930–2012) from a military-athletic environment is, in the author’s eyes, ranks among mainstream film creations popularising the topic of Czechoslovak Spartakiads and thus serving “soft” propaganda and indoctrination purposes. In connection with the above, the author focuses on impressive mass performances of soldiers in the Strahov arena during the Spartakiads and, through an analysis of their specific aesthetics and symbolism, shows how, alongside the instrumentalisation of genders and eroticism, codes of homosexual behaviour and desires were inhibited and used for official ideological purposes. He thus draws a conclusion that while homosexual phantasms in Krška’s work could still stimulate a unique creative expression and represent inner resistance or subversive attitudes, they were manipulated and expropriated by the ruling power and incorporated into the system’s “normalisation” procedures twenty years later.
CS
utor se v této studii, která v poněkud delší polské verzi s názvem „Degeneracja fantazmatu homoseksualnego w znormalizowanej kinematografii czechosłowackiej: Od Krawca i księcia Václava Krški (1956) do Chłopaków z brązu Stanislava Strnada“ vyšla v časopise Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, roč. 52, č. 2 (2017), s. 79–146, zabývá zobrazením mužské homosexuality a nahoty v československé kinematografii v období komunistického režimu. Téma zkoumá v širším kontextu společensko-politického vývoje a československé filmové produkce po druhé světové válce a vychází z přitom z předpokladu, že analýza takovýchto zdánlivě okrajových či povrchových jevů může zprostředkovat přístup k podstatným charakteristikám své doby. Stať inspirovaná především koncepcemi myslitelů jako Michel Foucault, Marc Ferro nebo Siegfried Kracauer a některých filmových historiků se soustředí na dva konkrétní filmy homosexuálně orientovaných režisérů – Labakan Václava Kršky z roku 1956 a Kluci z bronzu Stanislava Strnada z roku 1980 – s cílem porovnat, jak byla homosexuální fantazmata umělecky sublimována a přenesena na filmové plátno ve dvou historických momentech: v čase počínající destalinizace a rozrušování kulturních schémat socialistického realismu po polovině padesátých let a uprostřed období takzvané normalizace za vlády Gustáva Husáka (1913–1991). Na tomto základě se snaží vysledovat symptomatickou kvalitativní proměnu ve způsobech a funkcích filmového zobrazení homosexuálních motivů, kterou popisuje jako degeneraci, jelikož zrcadlila jejich vyvlastnění, „přesměrování“ a využití politickou mocí totalitární povahy. Autor představuje tvůrčí svět Václava Kršky (1900–1969) s bohatstvím více či méně skrytých homosexuálních signálů, náznaků a podtextů a svébytné místo, jež v něm zaujímá československo-bulharská adaptace orientální pohádky Labakan. Argumentuje přitom ve prospěch teze, že Krška svou rafinovanou estetickou stylizací vytvářel pro sebe i diváky únikový prostor intimní svobody a „umění žít“ před tlakem nesvobodných poměrů a současně vznášel gesto odporu vůči heteronormativnímu světu. Naproti tomu snímek Stanislava Strnada (1930–2012) z vojensko-sportovního prostředí Kluci z bronzu zařazuje autor ke konvenčním filmovým výtvorům, které populární formou přibližovaly téma československých spartakiád a sloužily tak „měkké“ propagandě a indoktrinaci. V té souvislosti autor upírá pozornost na efektní masová spartakiádní vystoupení vojáků na Strahovském stadionu v Praze a rozborem jejich specifické estetiky a symboliky ukazuje, jak zároveň s instrumentalizací genderu a erotiky byly podvázány kódy homosexuálního chování a touhy a využity k oficiálním ideologickým záměrům. Dospívá tak k závěru, že zatímco v Krškově díle mohla ještě homosexuální fantazmata podněcovat osobitý tvůrčí výraz a reprezentovat vnitřně rezistentní či subverzivní postoje, o dvacet let později byla mocensky zmanipulována, ovládnuta a zapojena do systémových „normalizačních“ procedur.
EN
This paper is devoted to the brilliant Czech logician and philosopher of language Pavel Tichý (1936–1994) who, after emigrating to New Zealand in 1970 and spending half his life there as a political refugee, committed suicide shortly before returning to his alma mater, Charles University in Prague, as Chair of the Department of Logic in the Faculty of Arts. After tracing a biographical profile of the Czech logician, the paper explains some of the central ideas of Tichý’s highly original theory, called Transparent Intensional Logic, while locating it in the wider context of the analytic philosophy of language. The paper concludes by highlighting the role played by Tichý’s intensional theory in advancing various disciplines, including artificial intelligence, with the aim of shedding light on the significant contributions of the Czech logician, who has yet to gain due recognition.
EN
The political trials of members of male orders and congregations in the Czechosloslovakia in the period of 1948–1989 The study depicts persecutions of male orders and congregations in the period of the Communism regime in the Czech lands during the period of 1948–1989. It indicates the graduał restriction of their activities after the Communist takeover in February 1948. The first part includes the period of 1948–1968, namely the mass attack of the Communist oppressors on the orders shortly after assuming authority, the restriction of their public activities until the complete liquidation of all male orders in Czechoslovakia in April 1950, the so-called K campaign implemented by the state security services (in Czech: Státní bezpečnost). It also mentions the life of monks in centralising internment camps and the illegal renewing of communes as well as the continuation of conventual life in hiding in the 1950s and 1960s. The most significant form of the persecutions committed on monks were the political show trials. In the early 1950s and subsequently in the 1960s, within the Czech lands, during two large rounds of trials, 361 monks were convicted in 175 trials, including 18 of them more than once. The frequent cause of the imprisonment and conviction of the monks was, firstly, their public activities, reading pastoral letters, criticising Communism during their sermons or helping people related to the Anti-Communism movement. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, in the majority of case, these were group trials including several dozen members of the order, the purpose of which was the liquidation of any signs of life emanating from the Order: secret meetings, enrolling new members, ordinations. In particular, the 1950s were characterised by severe sentences (58 monks were sentenced to 10-15 in prison, 14 to 20 years or more and 3 to life imprisonment). The most striking aspect was the cruelty of the interrogation methods of the secret agents of the state security, mentally and physically torturing the persons they interrogated; at least 3 monks died in remand centres and 6 while serving time in prison. The second part of the text provides an analysis of the orders in the period 1968–1989. The nationwide thaw in the period of the so-called Prague Spring in 1968 brought a short-term attempt at reviving conventual life in the Czech Republic. After the invasion of the Warsaw Pack military forces and progressing normalisation in the 1970s, conventual communes underwent a process of destruction at the hands of secret church officers and the state security services, while the existence of male orders, including the recruitment of new members, research, publication of religious literature, was deemed illegal, and thus punishable under law. In the period of normalisation, in contrast to the 1950s and 1960s, there were not hundreds of cases of arrests, interrogations and convictions but there were individual trials. Only in the case of the Franciscans during the Vir campaign in 1983, and during other campaigns against them within the republic were dozens of order members prosecuted, of whom only five were sentenced in the Czech lands. Many of the cases that were brought to trial, despite serious interest from the state security services, ended in failure or reversal. In the 1970s and 1980s, the Communist authorities refrained from the previously widespread practices of interning monks in camps or nationwide manhunts. This was caused mainly by the negative reaction of the national opposition as well as international protests and coverage of those cases in the Western mass media. The persecution of male orders and the trials of their members continued in Czechoslovakia throughout the entire period of the Communist regime, with the exception of late 1960s. Since 1950 until the fall of the regime in 1989, with the exception of the period of the so-called Prague Spring, the activities of male orders were deemed undesirable and illegal. The long-term objective of the Communist regime was the complete destruction of conventual life in Czechoslovakia and to convert the society to atheism.
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