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PL
Cesarz Konstantyn nie tylko zdecydowanie zniósł skutki senatus consultum z roku 35, zakazującego wyznawania chrześcijaństwa, lecz także przekształcił je w Imperium Rzymskim z illicita superstitio w religio licita. Jednak już przed Konstantynem były takie próby – usiłował to dokonać Galien, jednak tylko z efek­tem częściowym i czasowym; być może zamierzali uczynić to także Hadrian, Aleksander Sewer i Heliogabal, jednak bez powodzenia. Najbardziej niezwykłą, chociaż problematyczną, relację do chrześcijaństwa miał Tyberiusz. W niniejszym artykule przeanalizowano źródła oraz znaczenie lekceważonego zazwyczaj sena­tus consultum z roku 35, które jest potwierdzone nie tylko u Tertuliana, ale także u Porfiriusza i w Aktach Apoloniusza, Senatora i Męczennika.
Vox Patrum
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2008
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vol. 52
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issue 2
855-869
IT
NelTarticolo si propone un’ipotesi che le lettere conosciute come una testimo- nianza diretta dei lavori del Concilio Niceno siano falsi, composti negli anni successivi al pontificato d’Atanasio. La situazione politico-ecclesiale in Alessandria negli anni 273-278 (circa) sembra essere quella descritta nelle lettere in questione ed unicaa mio parereche corrisponde al tono ed al contenuto di esse. Per questo motivo il loro contenuto non dovrebbe essere considerato una fonte valida per la conoscenza dei temi discussi al Concilio.
EN
The article is consecrated to Constantine’s conversion and to its consequences for the Church, for the Roman Empire and for Europe. There is a general opinion that, even if his attachment to Christianity was not very mature, he worked for the Christian religion during all his life. He has taken many decisions on behalf of the Church; he protected her against the Donatists in Africa. His position towards the Arian heresy was not very clear. He did not pay attention to the dogmatic for­mulas, but especially to those solutions which guaranteed peace among people. Surely, the emperor once introduced into the Church, remained there as her pro­tector and head. The society was accustomed the emperor’s position as pontifex maximus. Bishops did not protested against his involving into ecclesiastic matters because he worked on their behalf. The effect of Constantine’s attitude was: the Christianization of the Roman Empire and the connection of the Church to the State. In later centuries such an alliance of the altar with the throne was boring for the Church. It is said that every privilege has to be paid. The Roman Empire was collapsed in the end of the fifth century, but its heritage remained in Europe. Charlemagne, cooperating with Pope Leon III, tried to restore the Roman Empire as a Christian State, but he failed to do it. Surely, by his support for schools and studies, he contributed to the European culture. The idea of the Sacrum Imperium Romanum appeared again in the times of Otto I, and especially of Otto III. Such an idea was not possible to be put into practice. The Roman Empire has never been restored, but many of its elements were assimilated by the Church and by medieval Europe. There are to be noticed in all European countries in our time.
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2023
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vol. 22
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issue 2
265-275
EN
Licinius was a ruler whose attitude towards Christians changed over the years. First, he guaranteed freedom of religion to them; then, he persecuted them. This article aims to analyse how these persecutions are described by sources originating from the period during or shortly after the reign of Licinius. The analysis of the sources shows that the details of the persecution under Licinius are known only from the works of Eusebius of Caesarea. However, although he portrays Licinius in a negative light only to justify the war between him and Constantine, other sources confirm that there was indeed persecution though limited in scope under Licinius.
PL
Licyniusz był władcą, który zmieniał swój stosunek do chrześcijan. Najpierw zagwarantował im wolność wyznania, następnie prześladował ich. Celem artykułu jest analiza tego, co na temat tych prześladowań mówią źródła powstałe w czasie panowania Licyniusza lub krótko po nim. Analiza źródeł pokazuje, że szczegóły prześladowań za Licyniusza znane są jedynie z dzieł Euzebiusza z Cezarei. Jednak choć przedstawia on Licyniusza w złym świetle, by uzasadnić wojnę między nim a Konstantynem, to inne źródła potwierdzają to, że za Licyniusza dochodziło do prześladowań, choć miały one ograniczony zakres.
IT
Nella "De vita Constantini" Eusebio di Cesarea ha realizzato una grande sistematizzazione degli elementi cristiani e pagani riguardanti la visione dell'imperatore e dell'impero, dalla quale - in conseguenza - e sorta la prima visione teologica dell'imperatore cristiano. Una caratteristica specifica di questa visione consiste nella sacralizzazione dell'imperatore e del suo ufficio. Essa non e del tutto univoca poiche si confronta continuamente con la sua mondanita ma - in fin dei conti - il suo elemento dominante e determinante diventa la sacralita. Le sue fonti si trovano sia nella dottrina cristiana che in quella pagana. Eusebio non e riuscito di evitare l'ideologizzazione nella sua impostazione poiche ha trascurato in questa questione - nonostante fosse un grande esegeta - la sensibilita esegetica. La visione di Eusebio dovrebbe essere l'oggetto delle ulteriori ricerche e delle purificazioni poiche continuamente rimane il punto di riferimento del cristianesimo orientale nella sua teologia politica. In ogni caso Eusebio continua ad essere il primo teologo politico del cristianesimo.
Vox Patrum
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2006
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vol. 49
531-547
IT
L’articolo presenta il testo e il commento dełla lettera dell’Imperatore Costantino, l’unico documento legato alla controversia ariana, per il qual e possibile stabilire la data: fine settembre 324, dopo il ritorno di Costantino dalia guerra eon Licinio. L’analisi mette il rilievo l’opinione dell’Imperatore sull’importanza della controversia: che era di poco e che Alessandro e Ario dovrebbero far pace immediatamente.
Vox Patrum
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2014
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vol. 61
103-122
PL
Cesarz Konstantyn Wielki w zachowanych listach i mowach wielokrotnie odnosił się do Boga. Odniesienia te jednak rzadko przybierały postać rozważań teologicznych na temat Jego istoty; zwykle ograniczały do wykorzystywania pewnych ambiwalentnych Jego tytułów. W niniejszym artykule przeanalizowano cesarską koncepcję Boga przy pomocy tak zwanej „małej teologii”. Wygląda na to, że konstantyńskie rozumienie Boga rozwinęło się z zamkniętego pogańskiego henoteizmu w zaawansowany chrześcijański monoteizm, mimo że zachowało rys wiary w istnienie wielu postaci Boga. Niejasność kwestii teologicznych służyła ustanowieniu możliwie najszerszego kompromisu teologicznego w Cesarstwie Rzymskim. W tym samym czasie owa zamierzona niejasność wpłynęła na róż­ne sposoby interpretowania konstantyńskich wypowiedzi teologicznych i – być może – w pośredni sposób oddziaływała na trynitne spory w łonie Kościoła. Porównanie konstantyńskiej i nicejskiej koncepcji Boga pokazuje zarówno waż­ny kompromis, jak i istnienie różnorakich, leżących u jego podstaw czynników.
EN
The article presents the circumstances of the Council of Nicaea. There was a tradition to compose symbols of the faith (symbola fidei), and to organize syn­ods. The Council of Nicaea was convoked by Emperor Constantine in cooperation with Pope Silvestre. After the victory on Licinius, Constantine wanted to arrange public and religious matters of the Empire. He was not a Christian but he was friendly to Christianity as a religion which he considered to be profitable for the Empire. He possessed the title of Pontifex maximus which authorized him to in­tervene not only in pagan cults, but also in ecclesiastical affaires. In spite of that, there were three main conflicts in that time: the date of the Passover, Donatism and Arianism. Donatism was a schism born in Latin Africa having a national background; it was a movement of the local population against the Roman admin­istration. Arianism, born in Greek Africa, was inspired by philosophy, especially by Neo-Platonism. Constantine was welcomed by the Pope and other bishops be­cause his actions were useful for the Church. People were waiting for the Council of Nicaea with hope.
EN
Der Autor befasst sich mit dem noch nicht vollständig erforschten Problem des sozialen Wirkens der Ostkirche in der zweiten Hälfte des 4. Jahrhunderts. Nach einer kurzen Einführung, die die Konstantinische Gesetzgebung oharakterisiert, welche der Kirche neue Möglichkeiten zu derartigen Aktionen gab, wird das gesamte berührte Problem in vier Teilen abgehandelt.
EN
Human time, no matter to what culture or religion a man belongs, is filled with celebrations that give rhythm to his life and help him capture the essence of his existence. Also Christianity over the centuries worked out various forms of specific celebration. The goal of this text is to look at the character of celebrate in the fourth and fifth centuries and to determine how the Christian writers wrote about the celebration. The first sources that author considered are two ancient texts of Socrates of Constantinople (Socrates Scholasticus) and Sozomen (Salminius Hermias Sozomenus) with the same names: Historia Ecclesiastica. In both works there are little chapters, in which appear the mention of the celebration, the majority of them is associated with Feast of the Passover and The First Council of Nicaea, others occur mainly on the margins of the narrative. This is because the history of the Church is here treated primarily as ‘political’ history, shaped by the decisions of great personages of the Church. The most important conclusion that emerges from these two texts is the observation that the differences in the way of celebration are not a source of division, but most of all divisions for doctrinal reasons manifest themselves in a separate celebration. The second source is The Travels of Egeria, also called The Pilgrimage of Aetheria (Itinerarium Egeriae), a letter describing the author’s travel to the holy places. In her report Egeria devotes much attention to the description of those involved in the celebration of subsequent festivals. The modern reader is struck by the generosity of crowds gathered in prayer and their vivid faith that motivates them to make long prayers going for hours. Celebration of Christians in the fourth and fifth centuries was an expression of a vivid faith. Their religion permeated life in all dimensions, and determined the essence of who they were. It was touching the inexpressible, the main aim was above all communion with Christ and the Church. Originally Christians celebrated entirely in the community of the Church, which gives a more or less clear framework to all that can be considered for celebration.
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