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1

Iordanes a Iamblichos

100%

Doležal S.

Listy filologické (Folia philologica)

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2016

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vol. 139

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issue 3-4

301-314

EN

There is a brief mention of a certain Iamblichus in the Romana, a treatise on Roman history by Jordanes. Judging from the place Iamblichus holds in the structure of the Romana, we can safely assume that he must have been important to Jordanes and his views. Because no known author can be identified with him, we must turn our attention to all known bearers of that name. There is, in fact, only one Iamblichus who can be seriously considered: a physician living in Constantinople in the mid-6th century. He is known only through a poem (Anthologia Graeca, XVI,272) by Leontios, a lawyer who also lived in the mid-6th century Constantinople. According to him, this Iamblichus taught “wisdom”, which seems to mean educational lectures for general public. Leontios emphasizes that Iamblichus never took money for his teaching. While exact identification of Jordanes’ Iamblichus remains elusive, he may very well have been a Greek-speaking, erudite doctor (and – judging by the name – a Syrian), who taught Jordanes at some point during the first half of the 6th century.

2

Чий е този град? Завладяването на Константинопол и проблематичното османско наследство в българската култура

100%

Аретов [Aretov] Н. N.

Slavia Meridionalis

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2011

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vol. 11

EN

Whose is this city? The conquest of Constantinople and the problematic Ottoman legacy in Bulgarian cultureOttoman legacy is curious topic in Bulgarian cultural studies. Despite the overall quest for prestigious legacies and heritages (Antique, Thracian, even Byzantine, not to mention Slav and Proto-Bulgarian), it is still neglected and even rejected. Mass-consciousness admits some traces and influences in the field of material culture, in cuisine, rarely in traditional costumes and even more rarely in customs. Ottoman legacy is often seen as ‘legacy of shame’ from witch modern Bulgarians should deliberate themselves.The paper deals with one particular Bulgarian image of the key event in the interrelations between Balkan peoples and Ottomans – the conquest of Constantinople (1453). Starting from the problematic differentiations between the “own” and “alien” the paper presents one odd dramatic work on that topic, written in verses by Svetoslav Milarov in 1871–1873 and published in full text in 1883. The analysis puts this work in the context of other mythical plots such as the Fall of Bulgarian Kingdom and different perspectives toward it. Czyje jest to miasto? Podbój Konstantynopola i problematyczne osmańskie dziedzictwo w kulturze bułgarskiej Dziedzictwo osmańskie stawia interesujące wyzwania przed bułgarskimi badaczami kultury. W nurcie powszechnych dążeń do wskazywania korzeni nobilitujących Bułgarów (antyk, Tracja, Bizancjum, nie wspominając o Słowianach i Protobułgarach) dziedzictwo osmańskie jest systematycznie pomijane czy wręcz kwestionowane. Potoczna świadomość zbiorowa uznaje obecność osmańskich wpływów i śladów w kulturze materialnej, w kuchni, rzadziej w obyczajach. Dziedzictwo osmańskie uznawane jest zwykle za „wstydliwe”, a zatem za takie, od którego Bułgarzy winni się uwolnić.Autor analizuje różne teksty dotyczące kluczowego wydarzenia w stosunkach między Bułgarami i innymi narodami bałkańskimi a Otomanami – zdobycia Konstantynopola (1453). Punktem wyjścia jest refleksja na temat zmienności kategorii „swoje” i „obce”, zwłaszcza w odniesieniu do najważniejszego miasta Półwyspu Bałkańskiego. Podobną dynamikę można dostrzec w greckich pieśniach ludowych na temat wspomnianego wydarzenia, ciekawy jest też sposób jego przedstawienia w bułgarskim folklorze (pieśni i podania ludowe). Szczególną uwagę poświęcono osobliwym, mało znanym dramatom i wierszom Swetosława Miłarowa z lat 1871–1873, w całości opublikowanym w 1883 roku. Autor artykułu sytuuje te utwory w kontekście innych mitologii (zwłaszcza dotyczących upadku pierwszego państwa bułgarskiego) z różnych perspektyw, zestawia je też z analogicznymi konstrukcjami narodowych mitologii Serbów oraz innych bałkańskich narodów chrześcijańskich.

3

Porfirowa kolumna w Konstantynopolu i jej wczesnobizantyńska legenda

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Bralewski S.

Vox Patrum

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2010

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vol. 55

95-110

EN

La colonne de porphyre à Constantinople qui a été créée pendant les règnes de Constantin le Grand dans les années 324- 330, occupe une place extraordinaire dans l’histoire de la capitale orientale d’Imperium Romanum. Elle est devenue même le symbole légendaire de la ville. Mesurant 37 mètres d’hauteur et finie par la statue de l’empereur Constantin- Helios, la colonne devait comporter des reliques de grande valeur pour les chrétiens. Elle constituait aussi un point important dans les célébrations des victoires de l’empereur. De plus, les habitants de la ville croyaient que la colonne pourrait leur assurer la délivrance dans le cas de la destruction de leur monde. Les débuts de la légende de la colonne de porphyre apparaissent avec le début de Byzance. Dans cet article, je voudrais présenter ce que constituait cette tradition et établir si la conscience de l’importance particulière de la colonne existait déjà au début de Byzance. En ce temps- là, le monument liait les idées païennes et chrétiennes, étant le sacrum aussi bien pour les uns que pour les autres. Il est très intéressant de voir comment la colonne a été présentée par les historiens d’église de Constantinople au milieu du Vème siècle: Socrate et Sozomène. Dans son “Histoire ecclésiastique”, Socrate a mentionné la colonne deux fois: d’abord dans la description de la découverte des reliques da la Sainte Croix par Hélène, la mère de Constantin le Grand, et puis quand il présentait les circonstances de la mort de l’hérésiarque Arius. Dans le premier cas, Socrate décrit la colonne comme un lieu où on a mis les reliques de la Sainte Croix: l’empereur qui les a reçues de sa mère, étant convaincu que la ville où se trouverait cette saintété ne pourrait pas déperir, a ordonné de les cacher dans sa propre statue. Dans le

4

Konstantynopol i jego mieszkańcy widziani oczyma Liudpranda z Kremony

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Wolińska T.

Vox Patrum

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2008

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vol. 52

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issue 2

1231-1242

EN

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5

The Church Foundations of Empress Pulcheria in Constantinople According to Theodore Lector’s Church History and Other Contemporary Sources

100%

Twardowska K.

Res Gestae. Czasopismo Historyczne

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2017

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vol. 5

83-94

PL

This article aims to confirm the account from eodore Lector with the other extant sources and the answer the question if the four churches in Constantinople (The Blachernae Church, Chalkoprateia, Hodegon, Church of St. Laurence, attributed to the empress Pulcheria in Theodore Lector’s work may be credited to her.

6

Opowieść o zdobyciu Konstantynopola przez uczestników czwartej wyprawy krzyżowej (6712/1204) w średniowiecznej ruskiej tradycji historiograficznej

88%

Brzozowska Z. A.

Slavia Antiqua: rocznik poświęcony starożytnościom słowiańskim

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2016

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issue 57

109-152

PL

The Old-Russian account about the siege of Constantinople by participants of the Fourth Crusade in 1204 has survived in several East Slavic historiographical texts and represents primarily an independent literary work. Certainly, the earliest of these texts is the Novgorod First Chronicle. It is an older edition preserved only in one copy – the so-called “Synodal manuscript”, which was written in the middle of the thirteenth century. At that time the story was written. Its author could have taken information about the events he described directly from eyewitnesses. His account of events is characterized by objectivity and credibility and constitutes a valuable resource for the study of the Fourth Crusade

7

Constantine’s City: the Early Days of a Christian Capital

88%

Berger A.

Studia Ceranea

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2020

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vol. 10

11-29

EN

In his new city Constantinople, Constantine the Great established an imperial cult with pagan elements prevailing over Christian ones. This can be seen from a number of monuments and buildings, such as the Forum of Constantine with the emperor’s statue on a column, the Capitol, the emperor’s mausoleum, the Mesomphalon, and the temple of the city goddess Tyche.

8

Polityka cara Kałojana wobec Konstantynopola

88%

Antczak M.

Slavica Lodziensia

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2018

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vol. 2

133-140

EN

The short reign of Bulgarian tsar Ivan III Kaloyan was determined mostly by his policies towards different rulers of Constantinople – firstly, the Byzantine Angelos dynasty, then the crusaderbased Latin Empire. However, during the first years (1197–1204), his main aim was reunification of the newly liberated state and consolidation of power. Kaloyan achieved this goal by his skillful selection of allies and proper approach to the Papacy as the by-time European superpower. Only having his basic interests secured, Kaloyan launched a campaign to conquer Constantinople and replace Byzantium with a new Greco-Slavonic state – firstly in co-operation with the Latin knights of the Fourth Crusade, then acting against them as a self-proclaimed protector of the Byzantine heritage. Unfortunately, in this period (1204–1207) Bulgarian ruler’s political calculations proved to be often wrong, which – in combination with his distrust towards the Greek population – resulted in his eventual failure and assasination.

PL

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9

Drugi sobór ekumeniczny. Próba odtworzenia przebiegu obrad

75%

Czerwień J.

Folia Historica Cracoviensia

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2007

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vol. 13

EN

The Second Ecumenical Council (also known as the First Council of Constantinople), held in Constantinople in 381 AD, is in many ways unique in the history of ecumenical councils. Its uniqueness lies, among other things, in the scarcity of written sources describing this event. No documents from the Council are extant. All that has remained is passing references by fifth century historians and chance remarks on the Council in letters. An important, although rather singular, source on the Second Ecumenical Council is St Gregory of Nazianzus’s autobiographical poem. We can also rely on the documents which were the fruit of the Council: the canons, the Symbol and a letter written to the Emperor Theodosius I at the conclusion of the Council. The information included in these documents is not entirely coherent. This paper aims to reconstruct the proceedings of the Council on the basis of the available evidence.

PL

Drugi Sobór Ekumeniczny ( znany również jako II Sobór Konstantynopolitański ) , który odbył się w Konstantynopolu w roku 381 n.e., jest pod wieloma względami wyjątkowy w historii soborów ekumenicznych . Jego wyjątkowość polega, między innymi, na niedostatku źródeł opisujących to wydarzenie. Z posiedzeń Rady nie pozostały żadne dokumenty. Dlatego też uwaga historyków, poczynając od V wieku, skupiała się na (na ogół przypadkowych) wzmiankach na temat Rady w listach. Ważnym, choć szczególnym źródłem z Soboru Powszechnego, jest autobiograficzny poemat św. Grzegorza z Nazjanzu. Możemy również polegać na dokumentach , które były owocem Soboru: kanonach, Symbolu i listu do cesarza Teodozjusza I na zakończenie Rady. Informacje zawarte w tych dokumentach nie są w pełni spójne . Ten artykuł ma na celu rekonstrukcję obrad Rady na podstawie dostępnych dokumentów.

10

The Fourth Crusade and the Problem of Food Provision in The Accounts of Robert De Clari and Geoffroy De Villehardouin

75%

Pentek Z.

Studia Historiae Oeconomicae

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2014

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vol. 32

109-114

EN

This text provides the analysis of two texts, written by Robert de Clari and Geoffroy de Villehardouin, two chroniclers at the times of the Fourth Crusade. The analysis discusses their account of food provision and how Crusaders managed to provide for themselves during their journey from Venice to Constantinople in the period between June 1202 and May 1204.

11

Cudowność przyrody w 'Opisie Pańskich dziwów i cudów w Jerozolimie' Perdikasa z Efezu

75%

Budzanowska D.

Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae

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2012

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vol. 22

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issue 1

39-57

EN

Perdicas of Ephesus lived probably in XIVth century in Constantinople. He was cleric and prothonotary of Ephesus. Perdicas visited Jerusalem, Bethany, Bethpage and Bethlehem. He as writer and pilgrim described in his poem, which consists of 259 verses, the miraculous events and places connected principally with Jesus’s and his mother’s history. A poem written by Perdicas indicates the great role of nature: sky, clouds, light, rocks, stones, water and plants, which glorify their Creator and serve Him in miraculous places of the Holy Land, occupied by Saracens.

LA

XIV saeculo Constantinopoli vitam agebat Perdicas Ephesius, qui clericus ac protonotarius Ephesi patriarchae erat. Ille peregrinator et scriptor Hierosolyma, Bethaniam, Bethphage and Bethlehem visitabat. Perdicas poema fecit, in quo loca sancta in ducentis quinquaginta novem versibus descripsit. Hic poeta etiam de natura pulchra Palaestinae narrat. Caelum, nebulae, lux, rupes, lapides, aqua plantaeque mire adorant Creatorem suum et serviunt Deo in locis Terrae Sanctae, quae a Saracenis occupata sunt.

12

Konstantynopol w listach Teofilakta, arcybiskupa Ochrydy

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Leszka M. J.

Vox Patrum

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2006

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vol. 49

335-341

EN

The article discusses the manner adopted by Theophylakt, the archbishop of Ochrid, an eminent theologian, rhetor and teacher living at the end of the XIth and the beginning of the XIIth centuries, to describe Constantinople, the Capital of the Byzantine Empire.

13

Vignetten von Konstantinopel in den Mittelalterlichen und Frühneuzeitlichen Karten. Die Entwicklung eines Graphischen Topos der Stadt (Winiety Konstantynopola na mapach średniowiecznych i wczesno-nowożytnych. Ewolucja graficznego toposu miasta)

75%

Kochanek P.

Vox Patrum

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2018

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vol. 70

395-448

EN

The article is based on the analysis of 45 vignettes of Constantinople, which are on the maps created in the years 775-1679. This study has been divided into two parts. The first part contains „metrics” of the analyzed maps (1-41B), arranged in chronological order, and table (I), in which reproductions of the above-mentioned 45 vignettes of the Greek Metropolis were placed. The layout of this table corresponds with the layout of the „metrics” of the maps. The second part of the article consists of seven tables (II-VIII), in which the material from table I was used. These tabular statements represent different variants of the graphic topos of Constantinople, accompanied by analytical comments. And so table II groups vignettes presenting Constantinople as a fortified town. Table III collects, in turn, vignettes that depict the City as a donjon or burg. Table IV contains the vignettes on which Constantinople has a scheme of the defensive city gate. Table V, in turn, shows the evolution of the graphic topos of the City, in which the elements of sacral architecture dominate, emphasizing the importance of Constantinople as one of the capitals of Pentarchy. Table VI, on the other hand, collects mini view (vedute) of the Greek Metropolis. In turn, Table VII shows the city’s fortifications from the profile, and in front of them locates the Genoese district of Pera, lying on the other side of the Golden Horn. Finally, the last table (VIII) presents the vignettes whose graphic content does not fit into any of the above mentioned topoi. As a consequence, the article distinguishes six graphical topoi of Constantinople (Table II-VII), which can be found on its cartographic vignettes between 775 and 1679.

PL

Artykuł jest oparty na analizie 45 winiet Konstantynopola, które znajdują się na mapach powstałych w latach 775-1679. Opracowanie niniejsze zostało podzielone na dwie części. Pierwsza część zawiera „metryki” analizowanych map (1-41B), ułożone w porządku chronologicznym, oraz tabelę (I), w która umieszczono reprodukcje wspomnianych wyżej 45 winiet greckiej metropolii. Układ tej tabeli koresponduje z układem „metryk” map. Druga część artykułu składa się z siedmiu tabel (II-VIII), w których wykorzystano materiał z tabeli I. Te tabelaryczne zestawienia przedstawiają różne warianty graficznego toposu Konstantynopola, a towarzyszą im analityczne komentarze. I tak tabela II grupuje winiety prezentujące Konstantynopol jako miasto-twierdzę. Tabela III zbiera z kolei winiety, które wyobrażają Miasto w formie donżonu lub burgu. Tabela IV zawiera winiety, na których Konstantynopol posiada schemat bramy obronnej. Z kolei tabela V ukazuje ewolucję graficznego toposu miasta, w którym dominują elementy architektury sakralnej, podkreślając znaczenie Konstantynopola jako jednej ze stolic Pentarchii. Natomiast tabela VI zbiera mini-weduty greckiej metropolii. Z kolei tabela VII ukazuje fortyfikacje Miasta z profilu, a naprzeciw nich lokalizuje genueńską dzielnicę Pera, leżącą po drugiej stronie Złotego Rogu. Wreszcie ostatnia tabela (VIII) przedstawia te winiety, których graficzna treść nie przystaje do żadnego z wyżej wymienionych toposów. W konsekwencji artykuł wyróżnia sześć graficznych toposów Konstantynopola (tab. II-VII), uchwytnych na jego kartograficznych winietach między rokiem 775 a 1679.

14

Konstantynopol w "Kronice" Marcellina Komesa

75%

Leszka M. J.

Vox Patrum

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2008

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vol. 52

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issue 1

585-592

EN

Marcellinus’ Chronicie certainly belongs to the canon if its literary genre and as such it has been analyzed by scholars. It seems though, that it can also be looked at as a record of some observations of the life of a metropolis, done by its long-standing inhabitant. The inventory of issues picked-up by Marcellinus is not accidental and does not only serve a more or (mostly) less detailed description of the history of the Empire, but also reflects, at least to some extent, the Constantinopolitan microcosm. The chronicler reveals the problems that might be interesting to an inhabitant of the City, which were important to him and which he had to cope with. A Constantinopolitan of the lst half of 6th century was someone who had to live in the times of unrest. He was a witness to freąuent riots and disturbances, either by ordinary hooligans, members of circus factions, or those arising from the resistance against unpopular rulers (e.g. Anastasios), which sometimes led to usurpation attempts. He observed both cruel struggles and cruel repressions following them. It seems that Marcellinus respected Constantinople and was aware of living in an unusual place. His relations with the City may have been strong and emotional, which can be proved by the content of the Chronicie, fuli of Constantinopolitan threads, as well as by the fact that he dedicated part of his lost work Description of the City of Constantinople and of Jerusalem to it.

15

Konstantinopel in den Weltkarten des Beatus von Liébana

75%

Kochanek P.

Vox Patrum

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2011

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vol. 56

527-541

EN

Vignettes of Constantinople are on four world maps of the Beatus of Liébana (c. 730- 798): 1) the Beatus map of Saint-Sever (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Ms. Lat. 8878, fol. 45bisv-45terr), 2) the Beatus map of Osma (Burgo de Osma, Archivo de la Catedral, Cod. 1, fol. 34v-35r), 3) the Beatus map of Navarra (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Nouv. acq. lat. 1366, fol. 24v-25r.), and 4) the Beatus map of Arroyo (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Nouv. acq. lat. 2290, fol. 13v-14r). These vignettes are with the period of origin of each map closely connected. In other words, geography, history and political theology are here intimately linked. The vignettes analyzed of the word maps of Beatus illustrate changes in the approach to the question of the role and significance of Constantinople in the eyes of the Latins in the period from 1050 to 1250. These vignettes were certain schemes, that were designed especially for the people of that time and were understood by them. The vignettes were not a universal system, so every mapmaker adorned them with labels in order to avoid ambiguities in the identification of the respective cities. These vignettes were, however, understandable in the context of a specific map, when the map was analyzed against the then geopolitical and theological background. In consequence of this the vignettes of Constantinople on four world maps of the Beatus of Liébana appears as a particular image of the relations between the Latins and the Greeks.

16

Translation and Transformation of John Chrysostom’s Urban Imagery into Old Church Slavonic

75%

Dimitrova A.

Studia Ceranea

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2020

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vol. 10

63-82

EN

John Chrysostom was not only one of the most prolific and influential authors of late antiquity but also a renown preacher, exegete, and public figure. His homilies and sermons combined the classical rhetorical craft with some vivid imagery from everyday life. He used descriptions, comparisons, and metaphors that were both a rhetorical device and a reference to the real world familiar to his audience. From 9th century onwards, many of Chrysostom’s works were translated into Old Church Slavonic and were widely used for either private or communal reading. Even if they had lost the spontaneity of the oral performance, they still preserved the references to the 4th-century City, to the streets and the homes in a distant world, transferred into the 10th-century Bulgaria and beyond. The article examines how some of these urban images were translated and sometimes adapted to the medieval Slavonic audience, how the realia and the figures of speech were rendered into the Slavonic language and culture. It is a survey on the reception of the oral sermon put into writing, and at the same time, it is a glimpse into the late antique everyday life in the Eastern Mediterranean.

17

Константинопол; Никeя; Михаил Хониат; Михаил VIII Палеолог

71%

Leszka M.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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2012

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vol. 19

39-49

PL

Bithynian Nicaea functioned as a capital of the Byzantine state for just under sixty years. Despite that temporariness, the city was able to perform a majority of the roles of the capital ‘Constantinopolitan style’. It was a residence of an emperor and a patriarch, a place of the imperial coronations, a centre of culture and science, a stately city under particular imperial protection. It lacked but one, irretrievable feature – it was not Constantinople itself. Michael Choniates wrote that Nicaea was a Babylon for the Byzantines and after completing their repentance there they would be allowed to return to the City, their ‘promised land’. That prophecy was fulfilled in the summer of 1261, when Constantinople fell into the hands of Michael VIII Palaeologus.

18

Hebdomon w ideologii cesarskiej Nowego Rzymu według tekstu kroniki Jana Skylitzesa

71%

Dudek J.

Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia

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2013

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vol. 20

25-39

EN

Fourty years have passed since the critical edition of “An Outline of History” (Synopsis Historion). In terms of the genre classification of the Byzantine literature, it is the chronicle of the history of the reign of the subsequent Byzantine emperors from 811 to 1057. The suburb of Hebdomon appears several times in “An Outline of History” and it plays a number of roles in the political customs of the then Byzantium. It functioned as a place of the enthronement of the Byzantineemperors, their triumphs, their ceremonious arrivals in the capital city, their departures beyond the walls of Constantinople and, in some cases, as a place of their burial. The term “Hebdomon” derives from the Greek numeral ébdomos, and it refers to the Latin expression septimum miliarium. It encompasses an area situated at a distance of seven Roman miles (c. 10 km) from the symbolic centre of Constantinople in the Augusteon square.

19

Patriarchat Ekumeniczny Konstantynopola pod panowaniem tureckim

63%

Imach M.

Nurt SVD

|

2015

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issue 1

140-156

PL

Po pielgrzymce Papieża Franciszka do Turcji i spotkaniu z Patriarchą Ekumenicznym Konstantynopola Bartłomiejem (listopad 2014), odnotowano znaczny wzrost zainteresowania relacjami katolicko-prawosławnymi. Dlatego też wydaje się rzeczą pożądaną przyjrzenie się faktycznej sytuacji Patriarchatu Ekumenicznego Konstantynopola na terenie Turcji. W pierwszej części artykułu przedstawiono historyczny kontekst zdobycia Konstantynopola przez Turków i konsekwencje tego zdarzenia dla Patriarchatu. Następnie ukazano czas rozwoju Patriarchatu pod panowaniem tureckich sułtanów. Dwie ostatnie części prezentacji obejmują okres XX wieku z ukazaniem istotnych zmian, które – z chwilą powstania Republiki Tureckiej – doprowadziły do osłabienia znaczenia Patriarchatu. Mimo trudnych relacji z rządami Turcji, obserwuje się większe zaangażowanie Patriarchatu na rzecz ekumenizmu – zwłaszcza katolicko-prawosławnego.

EN

After Pope Francis’ pilgrimage to Turkey and a meeting with Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew of Constantinople (November 2014), there was a significant increase in interest in Catholic-Orthodox relations. Therefore, it is natural that we want to take a look at the actual situation of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople in Turkey. The first part of the article presents the historical context of the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks and the consequences of this event for the Patriarchate. Next we shown the time of the Patriarchate’s development under the rule of the Ottoman Sultans. The last two parts of the presentation cover the period of the twentieth century showing the significant changes that at the time of the creation of the Republic of Turkey led to a weakening of the importance of the Patriarchate. Despite the difficult relations with the governments of Turkey, we have observed that the Patriarchate now shows greater commitment to the ecumenical, especially the Catholic-Orthodox, movement.

20

Nauka Leona Wielkiego o prymacie biskupa Rzymu

63%

Bartnik C.

Vox Patrum

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2004

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vol. 46

311-322

EN

Leon I. der Grosse, der Papst in den Jahren 440-461, entwickelte die Lehre des rómischen Zentrums iiber Vorherrschaft zum hóchsten Grad nicht nur im Gesichtspunkt der Geschichte, der Verwaitung und Jurisdiktion, aber vor aiiem der Theoiogie. Laut dieser Theoiogie kommt die Vorherrschaft aus der Bibel - von Christus - hervor. Christus, der Herr der Geschichte bereitete auch den historischen Boden fur die Vorherrschaft vor und fur die ganze Kirche in der Form des Imperium Romanum, der Stadt Rom und auch des Amts des Casars. Die Vorherrschaft ist daher die MachtfiiHe, sie biidet die Hauptstrommung der okonomie Gottes auf der Erde. Durch den Apostohschen Stuhl durchfliesst die Hauptstrommung der Erlosung der Wek. Er ist das Fundamentum und QueHe aker anderen Amter und Gnaden: per Petrum Apostohs et universae Ecclesiae und ist endiich der Schttissel der Einheit der Kiche und Menschheit, und dadurch Garant der ewigen Dauer des Christentums. Die Kirchen, vom Petrus abgefaken, gehen zugrunde.

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Iordanes a Iamblichos

Чий е този град? Завладяването на Константинопол и проблематичното османско наследство в българската култура

Porfirowa kolumna w Konstantynopolu i jej wczesnobizantyńska legenda

Konstantynopol i jego mieszkańcy widziani oczyma Liudpranda z Kremony

The Church Foundations of Empress Pulcheria in Constantinople According to Theodore Lector’s Church History and Other Contemporary Sources

Opowieść o zdobyciu Konstantynopola przez uczestników czwartej wyprawy krzyżowej (6712/1204) w średniowiecznej ruskiej tradycji historiograficznej

Constantine’s City: the Early Days of a Christian Capital

Polityka cara Kałojana wobec Konstantynopola

Drugi sobór ekumeniczny. Próba odtworzenia przebiegu obrad

The Fourth Crusade and the Problem of Food Provision in The Accounts of Robert De Clari and Geoffroy De Villehardouin

Cudowność przyrody w 'Opisie Pańskich dziwów i cudów w Jerozolimie' Perdikasa z Efezu

Konstantynopol w listach Teofilakta, arcybiskupa Ochrydy

Vignetten von Konstantinopel in den Mittelalterlichen und Frühneuzeitlichen Karten. Die Entwicklung eines Graphischen Topos der Stadt (Winiety Konstantynopola na mapach średniowiecznych i wczesno-nowożytnych. Ewolucja graficznego toposu miasta)

Konstantynopol w "Kronice" Marcellina Komesa

Konstantinopel in den Weltkarten des Beatus von Liébana

Translation and Transformation of John Chrysostom’s Urban Imagery into Old Church Slavonic

Константинопол; Никeя; Михаил Хониат; Михаил VIII Палеолог

Hebdomon w ideologii cesarskiej Nowego Rzymu według tekstu kroniki Jana Skylitzesa

Patriarchat Ekumeniczny Konstantynopola pod panowaniem tureckim

Nauka Leona Wielkiego o prymacie biskupa Rzymu