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EN
This paper aims at examining the causes of the emergence of French subordinate Noun-Noun compounds. It is well known that the Noun-Noun pattern in French remains marginal compared to other lexicogenic processes, especially N-PREP-N or N-A, and it is supposed that its appearance as well as its progressive development took place during the last two centuries (19th-20th). The aim of this paper is to examine more in detail when and why French Noun-Noun structures emerge. As for the first question, empirical data from the Frantext corpus allow to hypothesize that both the type and the token frequency of French Noun-Noun compounds remain stable since the thirties of the nineteenth century until the end of the Second World War and that after this period, especially during the sixties, it begins to grow exponentially. Contrary to Arnaud’s estimate (2003, p. 141), no significant change in frequency or productivity was observed around the middle of the 19th century. As for the second question, the author claims that the emergence of subordinate N-N compounds was triggered by an increase in the productivity of the attributive N-N compounds, for which there is no competitive pattern in French. The theoretical rationale of this hypothesis is anchored in paradigmatic approaches to word formation, with specific reference to the formalization made according to the Construction Morphology framework (Booij, 2010).
EN
This paper deals with, in a diachronic perspective, the Italian verb-noun compounds of the type portalettere and covers the time span that goes from the Origins well into the beginnings of the Twentieth century. On the basis of a rich dataset drawn from diachronic corpora and lexicographic sources, the article presents the history of this word-formation process, emphasizing the semantic and categorial nature of these compounds. The main claim is that the current semantic variability (person, instrument, event, period of time etc.) has always been available in the linguistic history of Italian as well as, to a minor extent, the categorial ambiguity by which VN compounds also function as adjectival modifiers. It is shown that this last function is much of a diachronic innovation. This paper, which stems from the theoretical premises of Construction Morphology, reveals that the productivity of the Construction [V-N]A|N is due to both the semantic and formal flexibility shown from the earliest attestations of the language, and to the productivity of some semi-specified subschemas, which have served as models for the creation of new VN compounds, especially over the past few decades.
IT
Questo articolo si propone di esaminare, in prospettiva diacronica, i composti verbo-nominali dell’italiano lungo un arco di tempo che va dalle Origini fino alle soglie del Novecento. In base ai dati tratti da diverse fonti quali corpora e opere lessicografiche, si ripercorre la storia di questo processo di formazione di parole mettendo in rilievo la natura di tali composti a livello semantico e categoriale. Si sostiene che la variabilità semantica (persona, strumento, evento, periodo di tempo) sia sempre stata presente nella storia linguistica dell’italiano, così come, in misura minore, l’ambiguità categoriale, per cui i composti VN fungono anche da modificatori aggettivali. Tale funzione, che negli ultimi decenni ha acquisito solidità dal punto di vista quantitativo, trova infatti riscontro già nei secoli precedenti. L’articolo, che parte dai presupposti teorici del Costruzionismo, dimostra come la Costruzione [V-N]A|N deve la sua produttività sia alla flessibilità semantica e formale che presenta fin dalla fase antica, sia (e soprattutto) alla fortuna di particolari sotto-schemi semi-specificati che, in particolar modo negli ultimi decenni, fungono da modello per la creazione di nuove forme.
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