Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 28

first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  Cossacks
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last
EN
The second stage of the defence lasting for nearly the whole of August was the continuation of the combat for holding out the fortress until the arrival of the relief force led by king Jan Kazimierz Nevertheless, the king’s reinforcements were not approaching and as we all know, they never reached the walls of the besieged fortress. This was, therefore, a very hard period for the defenders of Zbarazh, who not only encountered the enduring attacks of the foemen but were also afflicted by an even worse enemy, famine. In addition, the ammunition reserves, especially gunpowder, were severely depleted, which meant that the future defence could prove impossible. The combat, however, continued and importantly, not only with a passive defence but also with counterattacks outside of the Polish fortifications, which often inflicted heavy losses on the enemy. Until the very end Zbarazh remained unconquered in spite of the constant attacks led by predominant besieger, aimed at the earthworks of the fortress. The last soldiers left their positions not under the pressure of the preponderant force but as a result of the treaties concluded under Zborów (Zboriv), which eventually put an end to the blockade of the fortress.
XX
The author analyzes Cossack culture in the original Russian text of Taras Bulba, a novella by Nikolai Gogol and in the Polish translation of this text. The analysis is based on two editions of the original version and on a contemporary translation of the work by Aleksander Ziemny. The author takes into consideration various components which illustrate the Cossacks’’ point of view and presents Cossack culture in both the source and the target texts.
3
100%
EN
After the attack of the Third Reich’s army on the Soviet Union, many Cossacks in exile declared their willingness to fight in the German formations against the hated enemy. Also, a significant part of the Cossack population in the Don, Kuban or Terek territories occupied by the Germans enthusiastically welcomed the entering Wehrmacht troops. Shortly afterwards, the Cossacks were permitted to create their local government there, and also received guarantees of cultural, educational and religious freedom. The formation of Cossack troops used by the Germans for reconnaissance and 'fighting the Soviet partisans also commenced. These soldiers were to be treated equally with German soldiers. After a series of German defeats on the Eastern Front in 1943 and after the Red Army had taken the initiative on the Eastern Front, the Cossack formations together with the accompanying civilian population created the so-called Cossack
EN
Correspondence gives us some information about individual accidents or some of occurring phenomena. It allows us to take a look at the events through the eyes of its participants. This gives us the chance to analyze the attitude of people, who wrote the letters, to reality. It is therefore a valuable addition to information collected from other sources. Letters of Paweł Tetera (Pavlo Teteria) are example of such a situation. Letters presented below cover three important moments in the life of this man, and significant in the history of the Cossacks - the decline of the rule of Jerzy Chmielnicki (Yurii Khmelnytsky) in 1662, the expedition of Jan Kazimierz (King John II Casimir) to Moscow and the moment of leaving Ukraine by Tetera (Teteria) in June 1665.
EN
The Russian dialects traditionally attention is research dialects peoples and ethnic groups living in the country. As a result of these studies were important conclusions about the development of languages in Russia today distinguish the territory of Great- native settlement (to the XV century) and the region later Russian settlement. Within the territory of the native settlement in the XV century, formed the northern and southern dialects, as well as intermediate Central Russian dialects. In the XIX century as a result of settlement of the annexed territories south Russian adverb spread further south - in the Terek region, the Kuban and the foothills of the North Caucasus.
EN
The article analyses the mission of the archbishop of Marcianopolis Petar Parchevich, who, at the beginning of 1657, went to Bohdan Khmelnytsky. He was commissioned by Emperor Ferdinand III and intended to bring about Polish-Cossack reconciliation. Its aim was to enable Poland to effectively fight the Swedes. The messenger himself hoped to involve the Cossacks in the war with Turkey. Unfortunately, the mission did not bring the expected results.
EN
Poland (the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) maintained close relations with Sweden between the end of the 16th century and the mid-17th century. Attempts at cooperation (possible union, the Vasa dynasty) intertwined with wars including the war of Livonia in the early 17th century. In the article I take a closer look at three places related to this war: Valmiera, Viljandi and Paide. I used guidebooks to the region, traditional written historiography and a computer game from 2016. The goal is to familiarize the visual history of these places, draw attention to new methods in the humanities (visual history, visual anthropology) and to modernize history itself, also in the context of memorial sites.
8
88%
PL
Polish-French relations, initiated by the election of Henry III of France as the king of Poland in 1573, lasted throughout the 17th century. Thousands of pages of detailed accounts of French people’s visits to the Commonwealth are still available. Some of the visitors took interest in Ukraine and the Zaporozhian Cossacks inhabiting the steppe. Several works from the period can definitely be regarded as guidebooks to the difficult Ukrainian situation. The most famous work concerning that country is A Description of Ukraine by Wilhelm Beauplan. The French mostly described the religion and customs of Cossacks and everyday life in Zaporizhia. Another topic frequently mentioned in the accounts of French travelers was Polish-Ukrainian relations and the causes and course of Cossack uprisings.
9
Content available remote

Kondycja postradzieckiego kina ukraińskiego

88%
EN
The main research problem, which the author reconsiders in the article is the problem of the post-Soviet cinema state in Ukraine. It is briefly presented the history of the development of Ukrainian cinema in the Soviet period, with a particular focus on state policy, which limited the opportunities for the rise of a fully independent Ukrainian cinematography. Primarily author is interested how the regain of Ukraine’s independence influenced the deve¬lopment of cinema. Having analyzed major film productions in recent years author sees the development of several major film genres, which marks the return of the so-called folk cinematography, historical cinematography, movies focused on Cossacks heritage. These topics were almost completely absent during the period of Soviet hegemony, so their popularity in modern times is not surprising. It is a vital question whether it may be attractive to contemporary audiences, and whether the language of contemporary Ukrainian cinema could be understood by a wider, international audience. The key problem, which author reconsiders refers to government policy in relation to the cinema or in the wider perspective Ukrainian culture and law-making process that is inspired by Western film production financing patterns. The problem of ethnic and linguistic situation in Ukraine is also taken into considerations, as it has a significant impact on position of the movies screened or filmed in Ukrainian in relation to flooding the market with Russian or western movie productions that are screened in Russian.
EN
The article compares two 19th century historical novels about the Cossack uprisings of the 17th century. Z burzliwej chwili by Teodor Tomasz Jeż describes the eve of Khmel’nytskyj’s Uprising, while Michał Czajkowski’s Hetman Ukrainy depicts the later civil war period called “the Ruin”. The authors were well-known émigré activists and former insurgents, now mostly forgotten in the literary canon. Their narratives influenced later works about the Cossacks. Similarities and differences between these works are discussed, highlighting aspects of Ruthenian society omitted by the authors.
EN
Mühimme defters have a special place among all the archival material inherited from the Ottoman Empire. Recording copies of the decisions made in the Imperial Council, the highest administrative organ of the state, these defters contain important information not only about the domestic affairs of the Empire but also about its foreign policy. This study examines the relations between the Crimean Khanate and the Polish-Lithuanian State as reflected in mühimme defters from 1551 to 1584. Border disputes, annual payments made or not made by Poland to the Crimean Khanate, diplomatic relations, exchange of ambassadors, and the residence of Alp Giray and Selamet Giray in Poland were some of the main issues reflected in mühimme defters.
Etnografia Polska
|
2012
|
vol. 56
|
issue 1-2
65-84
EN
After Siberia was conquered by Russia, a lot of new local communities were created to the east of Ural. Their unique culture was a product of Russian newcomers’ culture and the culture of indigenous inhabitants of the area they settled in. These communities are called Russian Old Settlers (Starozhily) of Siberia. This article is focused on one of such groups living in north-eastern part of Yakutia, called Kolymchane (nowadays also Pokhodchane). This article is a result of fieldwork conducted by me in Yakutia in 2002–2007. I trace the changes introduced to the image of Pokhodchane (from the settlement of Pokhodsk) in the last century. It clearly shows what parts of this image are constituted by tribal and colonial traditions of this group. It seems like the efforts made by the representatives of starozhily in Siberia are directed to emphasize Russian tradition, especially Cossack roots, simultaneously to diminish the influence of indigenous peoples.
EN
Władysław IV Smolensk campaign is well described both in historical works and sources including diaries of Mikhail Borisovich Shein. One of these diaries now kept Riksarkivet in Stockholm describes military activities from the coming of relief force organized by Władysław IV in September 1633 to the Treaty of Polyanovka signed in June 1634. It contains previously unknown information about battles of Smolensk, Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth troops march, complex relationships between hetmans, diffi culties of army provisioning, offi cers and soldiers of various types of units. Th anks to the documents from the theatre of war we are able to reconstruct the structure of the offi cer cadre of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Muscovite forces. Also noteworthy are relations of Registered Cossacks comprised special units of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth that came to present in front of the king. Th e Diary mainly describes military activities until the surrender of Shein, leaving little space to describe the struggle on the Biała in spring 1634. Th at event is described in every detail in the diary of John Moskorzewski.
15
63%
EN
On the 15th of August 1649, the Crown Army under the personal command of King John Casimir on its way to rescue besieged Zbarazh reached the banks of the Strypa River near Zboriv. Due to difficult terrain conditions, diffused army and bad weather the king was able to transfer only a part of his troops to the other side of the river. The unexpected attack of the Tatar army was a surprise as well. The hastily organized defence pushed back the first attack of the Tartars, but part of the army which remained on the opposite bank of Strypa was broken. Losses in the people were significant, the rolling stock with supplies was lost. The situation was very serious, the army could have been totally destroyed and the monarch could have expected death or at best slavery. During the night from the 15th to the 16th of August a war council was held. During this meeting manners of exiting the dif¬ficult situation were discussed. Finally, it was decided that they would negotiate with Khan İslâm III Giray. Later the same night, a letter was sent to the Tatar camp. It contained a proposal concerning peace negotiations. However one had to wait for answer from khan for a while. On the morning of the 16th of August the battles started again. This time the Cossacks were significantly more active. Their main forces reached the church the late evening of the previous day. Bohdan Khmelny¬tsky, who obtained information about establishing contact between the khan and the Polish state, wanted a definitive settlement even before the negotiations began. Aggressive attacks of Cossacks, however, clashed with the desperate defence of Polish troops. The hours passed and the victory Khmelnytsky dreamed about was not achieved. In the afternoon, a member of parliament from khan’s camp arrived at the battlefield with information on peaceful negotiations between Polish king John Cassimir and the Crimean Khan İslâm III Giray. They ordered the discontinuation of fights, the battle was ceased on the 19th of August 1649, the negotiations were officially concluded and the settlement documents were signed. Due to the place where the settlement was signed, it is known in history as a the Treaty of Zboriv.
RU
15 августа 1649 г. королевское войско, которое вел сам король Ян Казимир на подмогу осажденному Збаражу, достигло берегов реки Стрыпы неподалеку от Зборова. Из-за тяжелых природных условий, растянутости войск и плохой погоды королю удалось переправить на другой берег лишь часть отрядов. И в этот момент армию застала врасплох неожиданная атака татарской конницы. Спешно организованная защита дала первый отпор атаковавшим татарам, однако остав¬шаяся на противоположной стороне реки Стрыпы часть войска была разбита. Людские потери были значительными, был также утрачен обоз, а вместе с ним припасы. Ситуация была очень серьезной, армии угрожало полное уничтожение, монарху – смерть или в лучшем случае плен. На организованном в ночь с 15 на 16 августа военном совещании, на котором обсуждались возможности выхода из трудной ситуации, было принято окончательное решение о начале переговоров с ханом Ислямом III Гераем. Той же ночью татарам отправили письмо с предложе¬нием начать мирные переговоры. Однако ответа хана пришлось ждать. Утром 16 августа вновь вспыхнули бои. На этот раз большую активность проявили казаки, основные силы которых добрались до Зборова накануне поздно вечером. Богдан Хмельницкий, обладавший информацией о предложении польской стороны, сде¬ланном хану, стремился решить исход до начала переговоров. Однако яростные атаки казаков встречали отчаянный отпор поляков. Проходили часы, а желан¬ная для Хмельницкого победа все не наступала. Пополудни представитель хана прибыл на поле боя с сообщением о начале мирных переговоров между поль¬ским королем Яном Казимиром и крымским ханом Ислямом III Гераем. Было приказано прекратить бои, сражение было окончено. 19 августа 1649 г. были завершены официальные переговоры, и произошел обмен подписанными доку¬ментами соглашения, которое вошло в историю как Зборовское мирное соглаше¬ние, по названию населенного пункта, где оно было заключено.
PL
The work consists of an introduction and ten essays that both reflect the author’s extensive research interests and testify to her extremely rich and multi-coloured personality. It should also be noted that the discussed collection of studies by T. Chynczewska-Hennel in the vast majority was already rated very positively by American, Canadian, Italian, French, and Ukrainian historians, as it consists of articles that previously appeared in foreign publications. The essays presented in this book offer a highly focused overview of the numerous problems which were at the centre of Chynczewska’s scientific interests and which were thoroughly and clearly examined in her books. They also offer shining evidence of the author’s constant ethical engagement, her tireless search for the many points of contact between cultures and narratives which were opposed by cynical political goals, human envy, thirst for power, as well as by the inability of numerous leaders and social groups to look for genuine human values and interests that should have overridden their own egoism and the short-term interests of a specific group or class in the near-sighted “here and now”. To sum up, it should be noted that the reviewed work is not only of high scientific value but also intellectually inspiring. Other values of the book that should be highlighted here are, on the one hand, easier access to the author’s sometimes difficult to obtain texts and, on the other, the ability to accurately trace her extremely accurate insights on various issues.
PL
The following paper, which bases its research findings on Sejm journals, presents the involvementof the members of the military in the royal election of 1648, which resulted in the election of Jan Kazimierz.Moreover, the article discusses the attitudes of the civilian part of the society, which tendedto be predominantly negative on account of the perceived excessive involvement of the military in thepolitical matters of the Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth. This, in turn, resulted in the involvementof entire military units (according to the calculations of the author, over ten thousand military troopsattended the royal election).The election was not the only important matter discussed during the proceedings. Those deliberationsincluded also the discussion on the reasons for the defeat in the battle of Piławce and assigningblame for the defeat to particular people. The article presents the state of the Polish-Lithuanian armyas well as the problems it encountered at that time, which were debated during the proceedings, andthe solutions to which included instituting new taxes and appointing new leaders. The author pointsto the hostility of the nobility towards the military, which stemmed from the belief in their incompetenceand thirst for personal gain. The problems included predominantly the issues of the costsof the campaign and the attempts on the military’s part at influencing the proceedings. In addition,the article presents the possible solutions - of varying levels of adequacy - for solving the Cossackuprising, pointing out the necessity for appointing new military leaders and increasing the army’sfinances through additional taxation.In the conclusion, the author remarks that the military involvement in the royal election couldhave significantly influenced their proceedings and outcomes.
EN
The following paper, which bases its research findings on Sejm journals, presents the involvement of the members of the military in the royal election of 1648, which resulted in the election of Jan Kazimierz. Moreover, the article discusses the attitudes of the civilian part of the society, which tended to be predominantly negative on account of the perceived excessive involvement of the military in the political matters of the Polish-Lithuanian commonwealth. This, in turn, resulted in the involvement of entire military units (according to the calculations of the author, over ten thousand military troopsattended the royal election).The election was not the only important matter discussed during the proceedings. Those deliberations included also the discussion on the reasons for the defeat in the battle of Piławce and assigning blame for the defeat to particular people. The article presents the state of the Polish-Lithuanian army as well as the problems it encountered at that time, which were debated during the proceedings, and the solutions to which included instituting new taxes and appointing new leaders. The author points to the hostility of the nobility towards the military, which stemmed from the belief in their incompetenceand thirst for personal gain. The problems included predominantly the issues of the costs of the campaign and the attempts on the military’s part at influencing the proceedings. In addition, the article presents the possible solutions - of varying levels of adequacy - for solving the Cossackuprising, pointing out the necessity for appointing new military leaders and increasing the army’s finances through additional taxation.In the conclusion, the author remarks that the military involvement in the royal election could have significantly influenced their proceedings and outcomes.
RU
The forgotten work and life of Paulin Święcicki (1841–1876), a writer from Kiev region and active in Galicia, represents a rare, authentic example of Polish‑Ukrainian cultural border. His debut work entitled 'Przed laty. Powieść ukraińska' (1865), despite being an artistic failure, is an interesting link between the heritage of the Romantic 'Ukrainian School' and the historical vision of Polish Borderlands in With fire and sword by Henryk Sienkiewicz. The creation of the 17th‑century reality of Ukrainian grasslands (noble, rural and Cossack existence), battle scenes (fights against the Tatars), romantic‑melodramatic plot – these are all adapted to a unique Ukrainian (not Polish‑centred) perspective. Święcicki’s ‘ukrainism’ is a portrait of Cossack heroism, a picture of enslaving the Ukrainian nation, and a picturesque description of local stories. The eclectic character of the work, which is nostalgically contemplative and in romantic style, as well as journalistically engaged, has an impact on its incoherence, but also makes it original against the background of the Sarmatian‑borderland fiction of those days.  
EN
The forgotten work and life of Paulin Święcicki (1841–1876), a writer from Kiev region and active in Galicia, represents a rare, authentic example of Polish‑Ukrainian cultural border. His debut work entitled 'Przed laty. Powieść ukraińska' (1865), despite being an artistic failure, is an interesting link between the heritage of the Romantic 'Ukrainian School' and the historical vision of Polish Borderlands in With fire and sword by Henryk Sienkiewicz. The creation of the 17th‑century reality of Ukrainian grasslands (noble, rural and Cossack existence), battle scenes (fights against the Tatars), romantic‑melodramatic plot – these are all adapted to a unique Ukrainian (not Polish‑centred) perspective. Święcicki’s ‘ukrainism’ is a portrait of Cossack heroism, a picture of enslaving the Ukrainian nation, and a picturesque description of local stories. The eclectic character of the work, which is nostalgically contemplative and in romantic style, as well as journalistically engaged, has an impact on its incoherence, but also makes it original against the background of the Sarmatian‑borderland fiction of those days.
Wieki Stare i Nowe
|
2020
|
vol. 15
|
issue 20
42-60
EN
Being a son of the Crown Hetman Mikołaj Potocki, and having inherited the title of the starosta of Kamieniec, Piotr Potocki distinguished himself before 1648 in battles at Kumejki (1637) and Ochmatów (1644), leading the charges of his father’s Cossack unit (rota). From 1643 on, as the starosta of Kamieniec, he was responsible for security of Kamieniec Podolski (a fortress), which proved especially significant during the Chmielnicki Uprising. Since he resided in the fortress also after he had taken office as the voivode of Bracław (1651), rarely did he appear in the General Sejm. Several times he repelled the attacks of Cossack-Tatar armies trying to seized Kamieniec; he participated in the Biała Cerkiew (1651) and Żwaniec campaigns (1653), leading a cavalry regiment. During the Cossack uprisings, he was in charge of organising the net of overt “intelligencers” (early intelligence agents) who would pass information of essence to Vasile Lupu, the voivode (hospodar) of Moldavia. He partook in another Ukraine campaign of the Polish Crown army (in the spring of 1654) resulting from B. Chmielnicki’s surrender in Moscow. In 1655, he appeared to be a faithful supporter of Jan Kazimierz, by guaranteeing the perpetuation of his influence in Kamieniec along with the military forces in his command. In order to acknowledge his military merits, as a defender of Podole and the Kamieniec fortress, the Ruthenian nobility recommended him to be awarded during dietines.
PL
Syn hetmana koronnego Mikołaja Potockiego, po ojcu starosta kamieniecki, przed 1648 rokiem odznaczył się w batalii pod Kumejkami (1637) oraz Ochmatowem (1644), dowodząc rotą kozacką swego ojca. Od 1643 roku jako starosta kamieniecki odpowiadał za bezpieczeństwo Kamieńca Podolskiego, co miało szczególne znaczenie w czasie powstania Bohdana Chmielnickiego. W związku z przebywaniem w murach twierdzy nawet po otrzymaniu urzędu wojewody bracławskiego (1651) Piotr Potocki rzadko pojawiał się na sejmach walnych. Kilkakrotnie odpierał ataki wojsk kozacko-tatarskich próbujących zdobyć Kamieniec; uczestniczył w wyprawie białocerkiewskiej (1651) oraz żwanieckiej (1653) na czele pułku jazdy. W trakcie powstań kozackich odpowiadał za organizację wywiadu płytkiego, przekazując istotne informacje o siłach kozacko-tatarskich m.in. od hospodara mołdawskiego Bazylego Lupula. Brał udział w wyprawie wojsk koronnych (wiosna 1654) na Ukrainie w związku z poddaniem się B. Chmielnickiego Moskwie. W 1655 roku okazał się oddanym stronnikiem Jana Kazimierza, utrzymując w wierności wobec monarchy Kamieniec i podległe mu siły. Za zasługi wojenne, jako obrońca Podola i twierdzy kamienieckiej, był zalecany przez szlachtę ruską na wielu sejmikach do nagrody.
EN
In the 19th and early 20th centuries, the Cossacks were used to suppress anti-Russian and anti-tsarist uprisings and revolts. However, during the Civil War in Russia, the Cossacks were subjected to repression and often extermination by the Bolsheviks. After the end of the war, the process of decossackization and elimination of the Cossack separateness began. It is therefore not surprising that the Cossacks sought allies, also in the newly reborn Republic of Poland. In the years 1919–1920, Cossack army representatives came to Warsaw in order to establish military cooperation against the Red Army. About 6–7 thousand Cossacks fought in the Polish-Soviet War. After the end of the war, thousands of Cossacks remained in exile in Poland. Other major clusters of Cossacks were found in France, Germany, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia. One of the most prominent Cossack activists was Ignat Bilyi. Thanks to his efforts, the Polish authorities gave financial support to the Cossack independence campaign, which gained more favour after the coming to power of Marshal Józef Piłsudski. In 1927, in Prague, the capital of Czechoslovakia, the Free Cossacks Committee was established, consisting of Kuban and Don Cossacks. This organization was meant to cover as widely as possible the Cossack emigration scattered across Europe and even beyond, in order to unite it in the fight against the Soviet Union. The help given to this emigration was one of the elements of the Promethean action initiated by Józef Piłsudski. The Promethean campaign was held under the patronage of the Second Department of Polish General Staff (i.e. the body of military intelligence and counterintelligence of the Second Polish Republic) in cooperation with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and other institutions.
PL
Począwszy od XVI w. Kozacy byli jednym z narzędzi ekspansji Imperium Rosyjskiego. Służyli również do tłumienia antyrosyjskich i antycarskich powstań oraz buntów. Jeszcze w trakcie wojny domowej w Rosji Kozacy byli przez bolszewików poddawani represjom, a często i eksterminacji. Po zakończonej wojnie rozpoczął się proces rozkozaczania społeczności kozackiej i likwidacji jej odrębności. Nic zatem dziwnego, że Kozacy szukali sojuszników, w tym również w nowo odrodzonej Rzeczypospolitej. W latach 1919–1920 do Warszawy przyjeżdżali przedstawiciele wojsk kozackich w celu nawiązania współpracy wojskowej przeciwko Armii Czerwonej. W trakcie wojny polsko-bolszewickiej u boku Wojska Polskiego walczyło około 6000–7000 Kozaków. Po zakończonej wojnie tysiące Kozaków pozostały na emigracji w Polsce. Inne większe ich skupiska znajdowały się we Francji, w Niemczech, Jugosławii, a także w Czechosłowacji. Jednym z najaktywniejszych działaczy kozackich był Ignat Biłyj. Dzięki jego zabiegom władze polskie udzieliły wsparcia finansowego kozackiej akcji niepodległościowej, która uzyskała większą przychylność po dojściu do władzy marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego. W 1927 r. w stolicy Czechosłowacji – Pradze powstał Komitet Wolnego Kozactwa złożony z Kozaków dońskich i kubańskich. Organizacja ta miała swym zasięgiem objąć możliwie najszerzej emigrację kozacką rozsianą w różnych państwach Europy, a nawet poza nią, w celu zjednoczenia jej do walki przeciwko Związkowi Sowieckiemu. Pomoc udzielana tej emigracji była jednym z elementów akcji prometejskiej zainicjowanej przez Józefa Piłsudskiego. Patronat nad akcją prometejską objął Oddział II Sztabu Generalnego / Głównego Wojska Polskiego (czyli organ wywiadu i kontrwywiadu wojskowego II Rzeczypospolitej), przy współpracy z Ministerstwem Spraw Zagranicznych i innymi instytucjami.
first rewind previous Page / 2 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.